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  • 1.
    Brunnström, Pål
    et al.
    Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Institutionen för Urbana Studier (US). Malmö universitet, Institute for Urban Research (IUR). Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Institutet för studier i Malmös historia (IMH).
    Håkansson, Peter Gladoic
    Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för lärande och samhälle (LS), Institutionen för samhälle, kultur och identitet (SKI). Malmö universitet, Institute for Urban Research (IUR).
    Uppenberg, Carolina
    Ekonomisk-historiska institutionen, Lunds universitet.
    Migration and housing regimes in Sweden 1739–19822021Inngår i: Scandinavian Journal of History, ISSN 0346-8755, E-ISSN 1502-7716, Vol. 46, nr 3, s. 353-382Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    This article aims to analyse the changes in migration regimes in Sweden over the period 1739–1982. We have chosen to divide this into four periods where each is characterized as a specific regime: the pre-industrial period (1739–1860), the laissez faire period (1860–1932), the rising ambitions period (1932–1951) and the Rehn-Meidner period (1951–1982). These four periods reveal different approaches held by the state regarding labour migration and housing. During the pre-industrial period, rules and regulations hindered mobility and aimed to keep the labour force in agriculture. During the laissez faire period, migration increased, but construction and housing was largely left to the market. During the rising ambitions period, a laissez faire approach was maintained towards migration, but both the government and non-profit organizations became increasingly involved in housing. During the Rehn-Meidner period, internal migration was stimulated, and in the course of ten years, one million homes were built with government support. The differences between the periods are not clear-cut. There were dual and contradictory ideas and policies during each period. This duality provides an important theoretical starting point for this study. Other significant starting points are the long-term perspective taken and the idea that these periods can be analysed as regimes. 

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 2.
    Edgren, Monika
    Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS).
    About Home and Giving Voice to Experiences of Marginalization: a feminist reading of the 1970s social report-books about migration policy in Sweden2011Inngår i: Scandinavian Journal of History, ISSN 0346-8755, E-ISSN 1502-7716, Vol. 36, nr 4, s. 500-516Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Abstract This article explores and analyses narratives in social report-books in the context of structural rationalization during the 1960s and 1970s in Sweden, which entailed large movements of people both in Sweden and Finland (as it did in other countries of Western Europe). The characteristics of the report-books are that they claim to depict the truth and to give voices to marginalized people with the aim to contribute to social change. The analysis dwells not only on the content of the books, but also on the narrative techniques employed. It is discussed how the authors were tied to their political context and the general discourse of social critique in their rendering of voices. The main questions of this article are: whose voices were paid attention to and how was home narrated and represented? One kind of narrative content links home attachment to roots in a rural context, where home centres on reproduction of families, territorial claims and nature hugging. It is established through rhetoric of nature and timelessness, fathers passing inheritance on to their sons and a desire for a non-alienated existence in an archaic landscape. The narrative techniques used are based on an invisible narrator and on a travel narration with questions and answers. It is mainly male voices that are paid attention to. Female voices are to some extent heard but marginalized. Female bodily practices and habits are connected to positions as wives and daughters. The fisherman, the hunter, the woodlander and the farmer, are (re)presented as threatened male positions and therefore male bodies will in a near future be out of place. These narratives are framed by a patriarchal discourse where bodies are naturalized and made straight. Quite another kind of narrative content is forward-looking, dealing with voices in a suburban context. The montage as a narrative technique is systematically used there, combining text and image. The didactic montage is intended to be educational, to enlighten people with the aid of pointers. This calls for activity on the part of the reader/observer, who is supposed to be given the impression of having interpreted the meanings independently. It is based on consciousness-raising as a feminist method for change. This narrative of home is about societal participation and resenting and resisting patriarchal distinctions such as public/private. It is framed by a feminist discourse where bodies are denaturalized and orientated at finding space for the displaced body to expand.

  • 3.
    Hedin, Astrid
    Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), Institutionen för globala politiska studier (GPS).
    Before the Breakdown of the Saltsjöbaden Spirit of Labour Market Cooperation: The Swedish Employers’ Confederation and workplace democracy in the 1960s2019Inngår i: Scandinavian Journal of History, ISSN 0346-8755, E-ISSN 1502-7716, Vol. 44, nr 5, s. 591-616Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    The 1976 Swedish landmark law on workplace democracy, Medbestämmandelagen (MBL), has traditionally been regarded as a victory of social democracy over recalcitrant employers. In contrast, this article shows how, in fact, before the law, the Swedish Employers’ Confederation (SAF) was the main driver behind Swedish research on work life reform, and the main promoter of employer-union dialogue on the matter. Crucially, in the 1960s, SAF endorsed the internationally pioneering thinking of economist Eric Rhenman, who argued that conflict within the firm between managers and unions was unavoidable, healthy, and could be good for business if framed in a productive manner. Today, this line of management thinking is termed the Scandinavian Cooperative Advantage. However, in the early 1970s, Swedish social democracy radicalized abruptly. The SAF board initially interpreted the new radicalism as a masquerade to appease activists. SAF assumed that, behind the scenes, the Swedish spirit of consensus-oriented labour market dialogue would prevail, as it had since the 1938 Saltsjöbaden agreement. And assuredly, the actual effects of the MBL law proved to be considerably less radical than advertised, and broadly compatible with Rhenman’s thinking. Still, social democracy’s new ideological rhetoric helped prompt SAF’s late 1970s shift from cooperation to conflict.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    FULLTEXT01
  • 4.
    Jarlbrink, Johan
    et al.
    Department of Culture and Media Studies, Umeå University, Umeå, Sweden.
    Norén, Fredrik
    Humlab, Umeå University.
    The rise and fall of ‘propaganda’ as a positive concept: a digital reading of Swedish parliamentary records, 1867–20192023Inngår i: Scandinavian Journal of History, ISSN 0346-8755, E-ISSN 1502-7716, Vol. 48, nr 3, s. 379-399Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Based on digital readings of all records from the Swedish parliament1867–2019, we examine how the concept ‘propaganda’ was used in the debates. To track the concept, we have extracted word window co-occurrences, bigrams, and keywords. Research on the history of propaganda in liberal democracies has emphasized that the meaning of the concept was open-ended before WWI. By 1945, it had been contaminated by authoritarian propaganda, and its negative connotations were cemented at least by the 1960s. Our analysis, however, shows that 'propaganda' was used mainly in a negative sense from 1867 to 2019. Nevertheless, it was also possible to use 'propaganda 'in a positive and neutral sense between the 1910s and 1980s. We suggest that a period of deideologization in Sweden post-WWII made it possible to use 'propaganda' as long as the issues were seen as non-controversial. The radicalization in the late-1960s meant that authorities and previously non-controversial issues became contested. To suggest one-directional 'propaganda' in order to implement what politicians had decided was in people's best interest became difficult int his context. In this new communication setting, 'information' was a more flexible term in contexts where ‘propaganda’ had previously been used in a neutral or positive sense.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
  • 5.
    Norén, Fredrik
    Institutionen för kultur- och mediavetenskaper, Umeå Universitet, Umeå, Sweden.
    ‘6 to 8 Slices Of Bread’: Swedish health information campaigns in the 1970s2018Inngår i: Scandinavian Journal of History, ISSN 0346-8755, E-ISSN 1502-7716, Vol. 43, nr 2, s. 233-259Artikkel i tidsskrift (Fagfellevurdert)
    Abstract [en]

    Swedish health information, conducted by the National Board of Health and Welfare in collaboration with private participants, expanded rapidly in the 1970s. This study examines a controversial bread campaign, which declared that the National Board, in collaboration with the private Bread Institute, wanted citizens to eat six to eight slices of bread every day. Why and how could such a seemingly unholy alliance come about? Contextualizing the collaborations with the industry, with a network governance approach, this article seeks the answers by investigating the organizational conditions behind the various campaigns. Different conflicting dilemmas influenced the campaigns and their outcomes. For example, the desire to maximize the dissemination of information, and at the same time controlling it, as well as the imbedded power dynamics between private and public sector. The result points to a shift from strong to weak interdependence between the government agency and collaborating parties, basically due to the agency's diminishing campaign resources, which opened up for a stronger commercialization of the bread campaign.

    Fulltekst (pdf)
    fulltext
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