The increasing salience of sexuality on the internet, whether cybersex or use of the internet to make sexual contacts, has focused interest on how internet-mediated sexuality informs social theory This article reviews social theory and sexuality in relation to the internet, with specific reference to the development of intimacy, the association of texts with sexual scripts, the emergence of cybersexuality as a sexual space midway between fantasy and action, and the question of boundaries and the location of the person in sexual interaction. Also, the supplanting of the real by the symbolic, the internet as a sexual marketplace, its important role in creating sexual communities, particularly where sexual behavior or identity is stigmatized, its impact as a new arena for sexual experience and experimentation, and its impact in shaping sexual culture and sexuality are noted. Finally, the importance of the internet as a medium for the exploration of human sexuality and as an opportunity to illuminate previously challenging areas of sexual research is discussed.

The Internet is becoming a new erotic oasis for obtaining sex online or in person. We reviewed the literature on cybersex and compared differences in data from samples of homosexually active men obtained on identical questionnaires from a conventional written questionnaire, distributed through the mailing and contact lists of a large national gay organization in Sweden, and through the same organization's website and chat room. A total of 716 written questionnaires and 678 Internet questionnaires were obtained. The Internet sample was younger, more likely to live in small towns or cities, live with parents or a girlfriend, and have lower formal education. They are less likely to have previous sexual experience solely with other men (one in three of the Internet sample vs. 1 in 14 of the written sample defined themselves as bisexual) and more likely to visit erotic eases such as bathhouses, video clubs and erotic movie houses. They also visited Internet chat rooms more frequently (86% of the Internet sample vs. 50% of the written sample). One third of the Internet sample wanted the opportunity to talk with an expert about HIV compared with a quarter of the written sample. Sexual practices between the two samples were generally similar, although the Internet sample reported significantly less body contact, kissing, hugging, mutual masturbation, and more condom use for anal intercourse with steady partners. Over four times as many of the Internet samples reported sex with women in the past year as the written sample. These data indicate that Internet data collection is feasible and that this mode of data collection, despite the nonrandom and self-selected nature of both types of samples, is likely to be more significantly oriented toward the young, geographically more isolated, and more behaviorally and self-identified bisexual respondent than conventionally distributed written questionnaires. (C) 2000 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

This study compared respondents who completed an Internet sexuality questionnaire and those who dropped out before completion. The study was in Swedish and comprised 3,614 respondents over a 2-week period (53% males, 47% females). There were significant differences between males, of whom 51% dropped out before completion of the 175-item questionnaire, and females, of whom 43% dropped out. Dropout in both genders followed a curve of negative acceleration. The data suggest that dropout is likely to be significant and gender and demographically biased, and to occur significantly earlier for men than for women. Geography, education, sexual orientation, age, relationship status, living arrangements, and Internet connection speed were related to dropout for men, while only relationship status and living arrangements, which were in the opposite direction from men, were related to dropout in women.

To identify biases and threats to validity of Internet survey data collection on HIV-related risk behaviors, we studied 1,546 Latino men who have sex with men on the Internet recruited through banner impressions on a leading national gay Internet site. The study could be completed in English or Spanish. Of those commencing, 33.6% dropped out before completing the 450-field questionnaire. None of the linguistic variables (level of use of Spanish or English) predicted dropout. However, dropouts were more likely to identify as Puerto Rican or Black, to reject the $20 compensation or offer it to a charity, to not have met men for sex on the Internet, to identify as bisexual or heterosexual, and to use Web sites or personal ads for contact and to use the Internet less at home than those who completed the study. Men in seroconcordant monogamous relationships and those who had not met a man for sex on the Internet were also more likely to drop out. These data suggest that there are no linguistic and few demographic and Internet use variables that are associated with dropout. Issues of compensation and respondent characteristics that make it likely that there will be a large number of inapplicable data fields in the questionnaire appear to be significant predictors of dropout. Although there were many data missing, the dropouts did not appear to be at greater HIV-associated risk than the completers. The fact that there appear to be few systematic demographic or Internet use biases in dropouts suggests that the completers do not represent a seriously skewed sample of those Latinos who commence the Internet survey.

Experiences of men who have internet sex with men were studied to determine the level of misrepresentation in real life and on the Internet of physical, relationship, sexual interests, and HIV status. An internet-based questionnaire in English and Spanish ($20 compensation) recruited 1,026 Latino MISM over 3 weeks. Four 'fib' scales were created to measure misrepresentation by the respondent and to the respondent on the Internet and IRL. Overall, respondents rated being misrepresented to on the Internet significantly highest, followed by being misrepresented to IRL and misrepresenting themselves to others on the Internet, and misrepresenting themselves to others IRL lowest. For HIV status there were no differences between Internet and IRL misrepresentation by others and Internet and IRL misrepresentation by self, but a significant difference between HIV status misrepresentation by self and others. Misrepresenters were more likely to have had cybersex before meeting their last partner and to prefer cybersex, to be more sexually compulsive, and to speak and think more in Spanish. Social desirability considerations account for the higher misrepresentation on physical characteristics and sexual interests by others, and higher misrepresentation on the Internet. However, misrepresentation of HIV status was the lowest category and while it was misrepresented more often by others than self, there were no internet/IRL differences. Data suggest that HIV misrepresentation occurred for 20% of men and was lower than other forms of misrepresentation. Implications for HIV prevention are discussed, along with the concept of levels of accuracy in internet communications.