As was the case with other federal states, Russia’s response to the COVID-19 pandemic was decentralized and devolved responsibility toregional governors. Contrary to the common highly centralized governance in Russia, this approach is thought to have helped insulate the government from criticism. Using local research and analysis based on a national representative survey carried out at the height of the pandemic during the summer of 2021, the article charts the public response to the pandemic across Russia. It examines the regionalization of the response, with an in-depth focus on two of the Russian cities with the highest infection rates but differing responses to the pandemic: St. Petersburg and Petrozavodsk. There are two main findings: at one level, the diffusion of responsibility meant little distinction was made between the different levels of government by the population; at another level, approval of the pandemic measures was tied strongly to trust levels in central and regional government.

We still know remarkably little about the voting behavior of immigrant populations, and in particular, the children of immigrants – who grow up in the same society as their contemporaries, but may be subject to different patterns of socialization. This article uses verified voting behavior in Swedish municipal elections to offer at least two new perspectives on these questions. First, we are able to separate out the impacts of family socialization, general societal socialization, and citizenship acquisition on electoral participation. Second, we are also able to add to our knowledge of the differences in political participation levels between different groups of foreign-background voters.

In July 2020, Russian voters gave strong support to a package of constitutional reforms that reconfigured the Russian political system and enshrined social guarantees and conservative identity values, consolidating the regime that has been built over a 20-year period. This was achieved through an alteration that `zeroed' presidential terms that commenced before the constitutional change, potentially allowing President Vladimir Putin to overcome term limits and continue in office beyond 2024. The article explains how such a far-reaching and important change was successfully endorsed by the Russian electorate. The analysis shows that the main explanation rests with variations in voting patterns across the regions, a pattern that has been evident in previous Russian elections and resulted in strong pro-Putin support. The article also evaluates questions raised about the legitimacy of the result, and its long-term significance for the Russian political system.

The inventory catalogues sources of official information on turnout and electoral registration for the two most European Parliament elections, prior to 1 January 2019 (generally 2009 and 2014, except for Croatia). This inventory was funded by the European Union’s Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). The content of this inventory represents the views of the authors only and is their sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains.

The inventory catalogues available sources of official information on turnout and electoral registration amongst mobile EU citizens for the two most European Parliament elections, prior to 1 January 2019 (2009 and 2014, except for Croatia in 2013) and the most recent municipal elections to which Directive 94/80/EC applied, prior to 1 January 2019. This inventory was funded by the European Union’s Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). The content of this inventory represents the views of the authors only and is their sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains.

This report gives an overview of the obstacles to political participation among mobile European Union (EU) citizens – people holding the citizenship of one Member State who have used their freedom of movement rights to live or work in another. It focuses on how their non-citizenship status in their country of residence, and external status relative to their country of citizenship, affects their ability and propensity to take part in elections in both countries. Drawing on an extensive body of research conducted for the FAIR-EU project, funded by the European Union’s Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020), the report summarises and synthesises the findings of other FAIR-EU reports to give an overview of the obstacles to electoral participation amongst mobile EU citizens, and the extent to which these impede their propensity to vote and participate in public life.

The inventory catalogues sources of official information on turnout and electoral registration for the most recent elections to which EU Directive 94/80/EC applies, prior to 1 January 2019. This inventory was funded by the European Union’s Rights, Equality and Citizenship Programme (2014-2020). The content of this inventory represents the views of the authors only and is their sole responsibility. The European Commission does not accept any responsibility for use that may be made of the information it contains.