This article seeks to fill a research gap by analysing refugees’ voting behavior, using Sweden (known for high refugee immigration, relatively liberal enfranchisement rules, and comprehensive electoral data) as a case study. Relying on register data on turnout from Swedish municipal elections, the article sheds new light on how the political integration of refugees varies. We test theories of resocialization and examine the extent to which a refugee’s political integration is affected by the surrounding environment, focusing on the political culture of the areas surrounding their neighborhoods. The results show that two major factors strongly affect refugee turnout rates: the acquisition of citizenship, and the degree of diversity of nationality in the districts in which refugees live, based on different experiences of “bonding” and “bridging” with the surrounding environment.

Internet search data may reveal people’s intentions to migrate, as aspiring migrants tend to use online search engines to explore migration opportunities. However, unlike official migration statistics, search data may only reflect the behavior of a self-selected subset of the population, raising concerns about its generalizability. This article integrates traditional survey data - Gallup World Poll (GWP) - with Google Trends, search engine market share, and internet adoption rate to examine the extent to which search trends of migration-related topics can serve as proxies for migration intentions. The results reveal that, on a global scale, passport-related search queries strongly correlate with individuals’ intentions to migrate. However, at the country level, particularly in the global south, migration intentions are more accurately predicted by the adoption rates of Google search rather than search topics per se. These findings underscore the importance of detecting and correcting user selection biases when leveraging digital trace data for migration research, ensuring robust and representative insights into the spatial-temporal patterns of human mobility.

International migration to Sweden and its larger cities has been substantial over the last six decades. In particular, the last three decades have seen a growing number of individuals settling in the third major city of the country, Malmö, whose population now originates globally. University education on the topic (IMER) at Malmö University and research conducted at the Malmö Institute for Migration Studies has kept pace with these demographic and societal developments, including through the development of the Migration Society 2.0 database, a unique database built on a recurring survey that will help enhance our knowledge and understanding of the patterns of migration-induced diversity, inclusion and exclusion that characterize Sweden.

This study examined the impact of native youth's subjective well-being on exclusionary attitudes toward immigrants, seeking to understand the relationship between subjective well-being, political distrust, and anti-immigrant attitudes over time. Using longitudinal data, we followed three cohorts of native young adults (N = 1352; Mage = 22.72, SD = 3.1) in Sweden over a period of 2 years. The results showed that subjective well-being did not predict an increase in anti-immigrant attitudes among native youth, but anti-immigrant attitudes had a significant impact on subjective well-being. The data also found bidirectional and mutually reinforcing relationships between subjective well-being and political distrust, and between political distrust and anti-immigrant attitudes. These results highlight that improving young adults' subjective well-being represents an important basis for preventing the development of political distrust, which in turn could reduce native youth's susceptibility to adopt hostile attitudes toward immigrants.

Much prior research relies on the idea that antipathy towards immigrants is primarily driven by natives' perceptions of the threat that immigrants represent to their economic, cultural or national well-being. Yet little is known about whether subjective well-being affects attitudes toward immigrants. This study aimed to examine whether life satisfaction would foster tolerance towards immigrants over time via the indirect influence of political satisfaction and social trust. The sample comprised young native adults (N = 1352; M age = 22.72; SD = 3.1) in Sweden. The results revealed that young adults who were satisfied with important life domains were more likely to extend their satisfaction towards the political system, which consequently resulted in a generalised expectation of trustworthiness and a widening of their circles of trusted others. This then translates into more positive attitudes toward immigrants. The findings provide evidence that it is the causal relationship between political satisfaction and social trust (rather than social trust in itself) which promotes the positive impact of life satisfaction on tolerance towards immigrants. The study highlights that fostering political satisfaction and social trust may play an important role in shaping young people's positive attitudes towards immigrants.

This paper examines the causal effect of the possibility to vote on foreigners' propensity to naturalise - a key indicator of successful integration. Based on Swedish administrative data and an institutional setting producing a quasi-random assignment of the eligibility to vote, we find that the overall effect depends on the composition of the migrant population. For immigrants from places with poor living conditions, we observe that the experience of non-citizen voting rights substantially increases their propensity to naturalise. However, for those coming from places with a high standard of living, the same experience reduces it. Both reactions clearly reveal that individuals assign a positive value to formal democratic participation rights. While the behaviour of the former group is likely dominated by the motivational force inherent in the possibility to participate, the behaviour of the latter group reflects the devaluation of formal citizenship if it is decoupled from democratic rights.

Labour market integration of immigrants, the extent to which and the pace with which immigrants reach (close) parity with natives regarding labour force participation, employment and earnings is a major public concern. Human capital theory suggest labour immigrants are positively selected and that the disadvantage at arrival are expected to diminish as they learn new valuable skills. However, a growing diaspora at destination and migration for non-economic reasons reduces the selection.

Empirical studies show the importance of accounting for differences between cohorts of migrants; early cohorts typically perform better than later ones. Another important thing to note is the large and highly persistent differences in integration between labour migrants, family re-union migrants and refugees. The two latter categories, which never catch up with the labour migrants have been increasing over time. Their difficulties to reach same levels are not well understood, however.

Much prior research has focused on understanding how host nationals’ negative opinions of the impact of migration and arriving communities affect their attitudes towards newcomers. Yet, the role of host nationals’ positive opinions has remained largely underinvestigated. The present study aims to move beyond the negative intergroup paradigm and contribute to the literature by examining whether positive opinions of refugees’ impact on the host society are related to host nationals’ positive behavioural intentions towards them. Specifically, the study investigated (1) the mediating role of social proximity in the relationship between positive opinions of refugees’ impact and readiness to assist them and (2) symbolic and realistic threats as potential moderators that might influence this direct/indirect relationship. The results provide initial evidence of the important role of positive opinions of refugees’ impact on the host community in promoting positive behavioural intentions towards newcomers via indirect association with closer social proximity. Moreover, our findings suggest that this relationship might be particularly beneficial for host nationals who perceive immigrants as imposing a realistic threat to their lives and to society as a whole—individuals who tend to be amongst the most prejudice-prone and resistant to change. 

I Policy Briefen undersöker författarna effekterna och värdet av formella politiska rättigheter, såsom rösträtten. Författarna ställer frågan om huruvida möjligheten att rösta för utländska medborgare i kommunal- och landstingsval i Sverige påverkar individernas benägenhet att bli svenska medborgare.

I Policy Briefen analyseras svenska administrativa data som i kombination med institutionella förhållanden skapat en kvasi-slumpmässig fördelning av rösträtten, det vill säga variationen av invandrarnas invandringsdatum. Här undersöks nettoeffekten för tre grupper av invandrare. Detta utifrån levnadsstandarden i ursprungsländerna, som skiljer sig åt i hur de reagerar på möjligheten av att få delta i den demokratiska processen i Sverige.

Bevelander observes that economic and structural changes in the European economy have led to a gradual increase in the low-skilled service sector, as well as an increased demand for educated workers in the production of high-tech content. The increase in the number of humanitarian migrants being received by European states, as well as the subsequent family reunion migration, has further weakened the economic integration of migrants in Europe. In addition to this, these migrants have to overcome a number of thresholds to be successful in the labor market. Policies addressing this problem have primarily focused on an individual migrant's shortcomings but have not addressed the structural barriers individual migrants face, which hamper their economic integration. Continuation of this state of affairs will both increase marginalization and segregation of immigrants and contribute to growing anti-immigrant sentiment, thus undermining the legitimacy of migration and welfare states.