Providing a succinct summary of the two chapters in Section I, this Commentary views emotions as the warp and weft of the complexity of experiences related to migration. It suggests that investigation of emotional layers of lived experience can further refine the understanding of translocal practices if due attention is paid to the material underpinnings of emotions. Pursuing materiality as such may enrich the understanding of emotional experience as it often has affective, visceral effects that cannot be captured by the discourses of family and belonging. Affective proximity requires bodily presence and can only be partially replaced by material objects; bodily experiences are crucial to the understanding of both the feeling of emplacement and the feeling of displacement. The feeling of being at home talked about in the chapters of Section I is not disturbed or disrupted by conflict, but by absence, by the lack of touch, by “being out of touch” in a literal sense.

Labour market integration of immigrants, the extent to which and the pace with which immigrants reach (close) parity with natives regarding labour force participation, employment and earnings is a major public concern. Human capital theory suggest labour immigrants are positively selected and that the disadvantage at arrival are expected to diminish as they learn new valuable skills. However, a growing diaspora at destination and migration for non-economic reasons reduces the selection.

Empirical studies show the importance of accounting for differences between cohorts of migrants; early cohorts typically perform better than later ones. Another important thing to note is the large and highly persistent differences in integration between labour migrants, family re-union migrants and refugees. The two latter categories, which never catch up with the labour migrants have been increasing over time. Their difficulties to reach same levels are not well understood, however.

I Policy Briefen undersöker författarna effekterna och värdet av formella politiska rättigheter, såsom rösträtten. Författarna ställer frågan om huruvida möjligheten att rösta för utländska medborgare i kommunal- och landstingsval i Sverige påverkar individernas benägenhet att bli svenska medborgare.

I Policy Briefen analyseras svenska administrativa data som i kombination med institutionella förhållanden skapat en kvasi-slumpmässig fördelning av rösträtten, det vill säga variationen av invandrarnas invandringsdatum. Här undersöks nettoeffekten för tre grupper av invandrare. Detta utifrån levnadsstandarden i ursprungsländerna, som skiljer sig åt i hur de reagerar på möjligheten av att få delta i den demokratiska processen i Sverige.

Background: The nurse practitioner role has become important globally in handlingthe growing healthcare needs of older adults with chronic diseases. Nevertheless,research shows that introducing the role is a complex process, and more studies areneeded to prepare for its introduction into different healthcare contexts, such as municipalhealthcare.Aim: The aim is to investigate what Swedish stakeholders identify as the preparatorywork needed before introducing the nurse practitioner role into municipalhealthcare.Methods: Data were collected through four focus group interviews conducted virtuallyon the TEAMS digital platform, with three to six participants in each groupand 18 participants total. The transcribed interviews were analysed using a six-stepthematic approach: familiarisation with the data, coding the data, generating initialthemes, reviewing themes, defining and naming the themes and producing thereport.Findings: The findings are divided into two main themes, each with two sub-themes.In the first, clarifying why the nurse practitioner role is needed, participants stressedthe importance of having a clear intention for introducing the role. The second, ensurea national framework to bolster the introduction at the local level, demonstratesthe need for collaboration among national actors to clarify the role's mandate andauthority before its introduction.Conclusions: Adding the nurse practitioner role to municipal healthcare can helpincrease the supply of nursing competence and the quality of patient care, but preparationfor introducing the role requires extensive work. The development of thenurse practitioner role requires decision-makers and leaders to take primary responsibilityfor its introduction. This study can support countries in the early phase ofdeveloping the nurse practitioner role by identifying both best practices and pitfalls.

This report presents a data inventory on available statistical data on various aspects of post-2014 migrant settlement and integration, as well as contextual characteristics in small- and medium-sized town and rural areas (SMsTRA). Understanding various aspects of migrant integration at different governance levels is crucial. To do so, quantitative data on integration policies, outcomes and contexts are particularly useful in conducting cross-country comparative analysis and in understanding trends over time. Furthermore, data allow us to analyse the role that policies play on migrant integration outcomes. This report therefore lists and explains the main sources and datasets on integration policy, integration outcomes, public perception and attitudes and social cohesion. Our analysis shows that despite improvements in data availability in the EU, there is still a lack of sub-national data on these issues, which limits cross-country and cross-locality comparisons. 

Delmi Policy Brief 2023:2 summarizes the main results of two EU-funded projects. The projects study how refugee integration policies stand in relation to the EU-directives and other EU countries, in contrast to the experiences of beneficiaries of integration policies.

In 2008, Sweden changed its labour-migration policy to facilitate more labour migration from countries outside the EU. Most state ambitions to shape labour migration, including practices such as the use of labour-market tests and the assessment of migrants' human capital, were abandoned and the responsibility to select migrants was transferred to employers. We use Swedish register data and adopt a difference-in-differences approach to assess the effects of the policy change on labour migrants' labour income, in comparison to non-EU migrants who moved to Sweden for reasons other than work. The effects of the policy change are substantial. Labour migration from outside the EU increased and its composition changed after the reform, resulting in a significant decrease in mean income. We conclude that changes in their occupational composition were the main drivers of the income drop for labour migrants. In sum, the new non-selective labour-migration policy lowered labour migrants' mean income by opening the door to unskilled labour.

Objectives 

Health inequalities exist among children in Sweden, and one effort that the Swedish government has focused on to promote health among small children and their parents is an extended home-visiting program during the child’s first 15 months. This study aimed to illuminate healthcare professionals’ experiences of meeting parents in different social situations during the home visits within Grow safely. 

Methods

The chosen method was qualitative, and 13 interviews were carried out with healthcare, social, and dental professionals working with the extended home-visiting program within the child healthcare in the south of Sweden. 

Results

The results revealed that the parents raised differing needs in the meetings with the healthcare professionals in the program. The needs included advice on children with special needs, support with problematic breastfeeding, and more psychosocial support. The professionals met different groups of parents, such as young parents or newly arrived migrant parents, that in different ways needed the team to reach out to them. The professionals also met families who came from better-off areas and who were not initially considered to really need the program. As the program progressed, these parents could see that diverse, unpredictable needs could be met by the intervention. For example, the program provided access to and advice from social workers, which in turn created contacts that lasted longer than the program itself.

Conclusions

The professionals encountered various family situations and needs within the extended home-visiting program. This highlights the need for a close collaboration between child healthcare nurses and social workers, in order to be able to support the families and work towards the aim of reaching equal health among all children in Sweden. 

Background: Being a significant other (SO) to a person with borderline personalitydisorder (BPD) affect their health. High incidence of substance use disorder, posttraumaticstress disorder, stress, fear, anxiety, depression, family burden and griefare common. Some specific therapies for BPD, have included support to SOs, howeverresources are scarce and to participate in the support it assumes that the personwith BPD is included in these therapies. Although the SO support has been shown tobe helpful, they all have a similar structure, and only a small exclusive group of SOshave access to the support.

Aim: The aim was to describe experiences and need of support for significant othersto persons with borderline personality disorder from the perspective of themselvesand of health care workers.

Methods: Data was collected via two focus groups. One with five SOs to personswith BPD, one with five health care workers. Two interview sessions in each groupwere conducted and data were analysed with qualitative content analysis. The studywas approved by the research ethics committee of Lund (2016–1026).

Results: The results revealed four themes; not being seen by health care professionalscreates hopelessness, being seen by healthcare professionals creates trust, experienceof support - helpful or shameful and the step from loosely structured supportto a structured support group. Both groups expressed a need for further support as acomplement to already existing support.

Conclusions: The need of support is extensive. The results suggest a professionalcoordinator intended for SOs and peer support groups not linked to a particular psychiatrictreatment yet offering support in a structured way. Further studies examiningthese complements to existing support, is therefore recommended.

This article investigates labour market segmentation of EU-13 workers in Sweden. Labour market segmentation is a driver of income differences between natives, EU-15 migrants and EU-13 migrants in many EU member states. There are, however, indications that labour market inequalities as a result of segmentation among EU-13 migrants is less pronounced in Sweden. Previous research, both quantitative and qualitative, has shown surprisingly low levels of labour market segmentation among the employed. The structural differences on the labour market has, instead, been between the employed and unemployed, with a large employment gap between natives and all migrant groups including EU-13 migrants. We address the functional integration in the labour market from a longitudinal perspective, using several quantitative indicators to measure the degree of labour market segmentation. Natives and other migrant groups (EU-15 and refugees) are used as reference groups. Our results shows a low but increasing labour market segmentation among the employed born in EU-13 countries. The dissimilarity between employed natives and EU-13 workers is increasing, especially among men. Men from EU-13 countries is the only category where the occupational position has deteriorated. From having a similar occupational position as EU-15 migrants in 2007, their position in the labour market in 2015 is more similar to the refugee group. This development is driven by a large increase of Polish construction workers on the Swedishlabour market.

The term ‘artificial intelligence’ has arguably come to function in political discourse as, what Laclau called, an ‘empty signifier’. This article traces the shifting political discourse on AI within three key institutions of global governance–OHCHR, WHO, and UNESCO–and, in so doing, highlights the role of ‘crisis’ moments in justifying a series of pivotal re-articulations. Most important has been the attachment of AI to the narrative around digital automation in human healthcare. Greatly enabled by the societal context of the pandemic, all three institutions have moved from being critical of the unequal power relations in the economy of AI to, today, reframing themselves primarily as facilitators tasked with helping to ensure the application of AI technologies. The analysis identifies a shift in which human health and healthcare is framed as in a ‘crisis’ to which AI technology is presented as the remedy. The article argues the need to trace these discursive shifts as a means by which to understand, monitor, and where necessary also hold to account these changes in the governance of AI in society.

The COVID-19 pandemic has created an impetus for action for governments and citizens, but these actions can be challenging to understand. As a riposte, we use The Populist Divide as a framework for understanding the patchwork of populist responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Our approach brings nuance to how crises are framed dependent on the trust levels between actors, thus presenting populist relationships as determined by selective trust allocation and not necessarily one of fixed ideological paradigms. Additionally, we introduce activities as the response to a measure, whether accepting or even protesting, but ultimately consenting to the legitimate powers of the leaders imposing these measures. On the other hand, counterstrategies emerging as challenges to the legitimacy of the leaders themselves.

The authors take on a problem that many departments in Sweden, not least in the humanities, are dealing with right now: language. They show how social status in academia is decoupled from linguistic integration, at least if we understand status in terms of academic titles. Feelings of insufficiency and incompleteness are, however, prevalent, even among those whose Swedish proficiency is objectively very high. The authors underline the value of language, how competence in English, Swedish, and other languages is crucial for academics’ possibilities to work and build careers.

In this paper we understand cities today as commodified spaces which must struggle at the intersection of cultural, ideological and historical tensions. In order to explore and problematise a contested city brand’s marketing effort, we engage in multiple rounds of in-situ introspective reflections about a racialised city’s place branding material. Based on the two authors’ separate analyses of the same marketing material deriving from two separate theoretical starting points, we engage in agonistic conversation about how visible and invisible racialised tensions are represented. We highlight how absences and (in)visibilities can be predominantly understood as either colour-blindness or ideological fantasy. We find, despite our contrasting theoretical orientations, that a city brand is inevitably fractured and ruptured into ‘a’ non-identity or – to paraphrase Deleuze and Guattari – an empty body. We argue how achieving inclusive branding becomes an oxymoron as narratives surrounding a city are themselves more or less diverse, contested and polarised. 

The overall aim of the chapter is to contribute to the discussion on how teachers’ facilitation of classroom interaction can be understood in view of mono- and bi-/multilingual norms, and more specifically how teachers relate to, make use of, and strengthen children’s epistemic authority through language competences in the multilingual classroom. The analysis is primarily based on two sets of data. First, teacher interviews which answer to what problems and solutions teachers experience concerning teaching and learning in the multilingual classroom, and how they view their role as facilitator of dialogue and a promoter of agency and hybrid integration in relation to this. Secondly, video-recordings of classroom interaction in selected European localities teachers’ facilitation of dialogue were explored with regard to considering monolingual and bi-/multilingual ideologies and the promotion of hybrid integration. The analysis shows how the monolingual ideology permeates the data material. Students’ multilingual resources are not recognised and valued; consequently, multilingual students’ agency and epistemic authority is hindered. However, there are glimpses of “cracks” where spaces for alternative practices can be developed, in which students can use their full linguistic repertoire, including varying named languages to express their views or ideas beyond the language of instruction, which create potentials for strengthening students’ participation in classroom interactions. The chapter argues that children’s language competences should be integral to understandings of their epistemic authority and calls for further research into how strategies that accomplish this can be developed and transferred across classrooms and localities, with the purpose of strengthening all children’s epistemic authority in education.

Despite the myth of ethnic and racial homogeneity, the population of Japan has been and is increasingly becoming diverse. Among these diverse population are those so called hāfu, mixed Japanese born to a Japanese and a foreign parent. The narrow conception of Japaneseness often leaves mixed Japanese to be excluded from Japanese society and question their claims to being Japanese. This chapter provides a historical overview and transformation on how individuals labelled as “mixed” were treated socially and politically in Japan before 1945 and up to the present. We also present a brief state-of-the-art of the emerging field of hāfu studies and suggest the future direction of this field.

This article takes an in-depth look at caseworkers at the European Union Asylum Agency in Greece. The agency’s increased role in asylum case processing and the emergence of the called “integrated European administration” is an unusual but nevertheless critical case to study for scholars of European asylum bureaucracies. Previous research into member state’s national migration authorities has shown that discretionary decision-making is widely deployed by asylum caseworkers. Generally, street-level bureaucrats tend to ‘reinterpret’ policy and creatively make use of the legal framework of the Common European Asylum System in order to make their day-to-day operations run more smoothly and resolve ethical dilemmas. However, this article finds that in the case of the European Union Asylum Agency, the compartmentalized institutional arrangement and short-term contracts removes both the incentive and ability for caseworkers to creatively reinterpret policy and deploy discretionary practices. It is therefore argued that scholars of asylum bureaucracy in Europe must pay increased attention to how the bureaucratic configuration of migration authorities.

Descriptions of social movement factionalism are often based on the dichotomous conception of lawful moderates and violent radicals. In this article, we nuance this distinction by illustrating the complexity of radical flanks through an empirically grounded analysis of protest tactics, in which we ask under what conditions radical flanks are likely to use violent protest tactics. Exploring dominant explanations of political violence, the article shows the necessity of understanding the use of violent protest tactics as part of cognitive and relational processes. The use of violent tactics varies greatly across frames and protest issues, pointing to how different logics of protest are tied to different frames. Also, the use of violence is affected by the presence or absence of moderate allies; the likelihood of violence clearly decreases when radicals and moderates form coalitions when organising protests. The analysis is based on a protest event data set covering over 3,900 nonviolent and violent events by the Radical Left-Libertarian Movement in Sweden, 1997-2016. Notably, the results hold over this entire twenty-year period, suggesting that they are robust and provide a better explanation than historically contingent causes.

This chapter gives an overview of the socioeconomic situation of Asian immigrants, and their decedents, in Sweden. With the steady growth in the number of immigrants from Asian countries to Sweden since the 1970s, Asians are becoming increasingly visible among the Swedish population. However, they are rarely represented in the public, political, and academic discussions. As a first step to tackle the “narrative scarcity” (Lee and Ramakrishnan, RSF: The Russell Sage Foundation Journal of the Social Sciences 7 (2):, 1–20, 2021), we use register data to describe the educational position and employment situation of the 10 largest East, South and Southeast Asian groups in Sweden, in comparison to non-Asian immigrant groups. We found differences based on the regions of origin: East Asian groups are highly educated but have lower employment rates. Once employed, they work in highly skilled occupations. Southeast Asians have lower education and, therefore, are underrepresented in highly skilled jobs but have high employment rates. South Asians stand between these two groups.

The purpose of this paper is to explore how people’s differentiated privileged and marginalised positions in society create instances of inclusion and exclusion in tourism. Eight authors utilised their diverse disciplinary and theoretical bases to engage in individual autoethnography and collaborative reflections of their personal experiences of being tourists and hosts. Through our Western and non-Western, White and non-White experiences, we reveal experiences from a multitude of perspectives, and problematise the dominant White racial frame. The methodology illustrates unquestioned privileges and feelings of discomfort when personally faced with exclusionary practices and creates an understanding of how individuals have different experiences of enchantment and the tourist gaze. The experience of marginalisation is serial and dialectical, which illustrates the complexity of tourism. The paper contributes to an enhanced and multifaceted understanding of tourism experiences and proposes measures to reveal issues of exclusion. Also, the use of autoethnography and collaborative reflection as methodological tools provide opportunities for researchers and practitioners to engage in reflexive conversation on discriminatory practices, and how they hinder certain individuals and groups from enjoying tourism products and services. 

The neighbourhood of Sofielund in Malm. is marked by diversity in terms of its population and its varying architecture and types of housing. It is also marked by social divisions, including poverty, housing exploitations and criminality. Over time, a large number of interventions have been implemented to better the situation. The interventions are, among other things, inspired by the Business Improvement District (BID) model and include efforts to enhance social cohesion through a strategy of “opening up Sofielund” through creating “meeting-places.” The article provides an analysis of the lived experiences of residents in Sofielund, and shows how policy efforts on “social cohesion” and the creation of meeting-places are perceived by residents. The presentation argues that while meeting-places aim to even out tensions and strengthen social cohesion, they may also reproduce existent power relations and increase tensions. Consequently, the article shows that strategies of opening up places can have the unintended consequences of closing down for buildings, people, and social relations. The article focuses on how inequality and exclusion unfold in inclusive spaces, and entail different forms of polarisation based on “us” and “them”.

This paper examines the causal effect of the possibility to vote on foreigners' propensity to naturalise - a key indicator of successful integration. Based on Swedish administrative data and an institutional setting producing a quasi-random assignment of the eligibility to vote, we find that the overall effect depends on the composition of the migrant population. For immigrants from places with poor living conditions, we observe that the experience of non-citizen voting rights substantially increases their propensity to naturalise. However, for those coming from places with a high standard of living, the same experience reduces it. Both reactions clearly reveal that individuals assign a positive value to formal democratic participation rights. While the behaviour of the former group is likely dominated by the motivational force inherent in the possibility to participate, the behaviour of the latter group reflects the devaluation of formal citizenship if it is decoupled from democratic rights.

In this article, I aim to show how populism can be used as an analytical category to make sense of how anti-immigration claims are articulated in far-right political discourse. I will do this by giving examples of and drawing attention to how the anti-immigration claims are articulated via the populist divide, namely anti-elitism and people-centrism, and delve into the issue of which people are mobilised against which elite in articulatory practice. I use narrative analysis to link individual newspaper texts to dominant storylines of the nation (master narratives) in the continuous construction of national identity. The material is based on 169 articles published in the socially conservative online newspaper Samtiden between 2016 and 2022 on national identity. The results from the narrative analysis indicate that far-right populist discourse conveys nostalgia for a golden age and a cohesive and homogenous collective national identity, combining ideals of cultural conformism and socio-economic fairness against the fragmentary political agenda of different elites, spelling out a message that everything was better before.

Migration models have evolved significantly during the last decade, most notably the so-called flow Fixed-Effects (FE) gravity models. Such models attempt to infer how human mobility may be driven by changing economy, geopolitics, and the environment among other things. They are also increasingly used for migration projections and forecasts. However, recent research shows that this class of models can neither explain, nor predict the temporal dynamics of human movement. This shortcoming is even more apparent in the context of forced migration, in which the processes and drivers tend to be heterogeneous and complex. In this article, we derived a Flow-Specific Temporal Gravity (FTG) model which, compared to the FE models, is theoretically similar (informed by the random utility framework), but empirically less restrictive. Using EUROSTAT data with climate, economic, and conflict indicators, we trained both models and compared their performances. The results suggest that the predictive power of these models is highly dependent on the length of training data. Specifically, as time-series migration data lengthens, FTG's predictions can be increasingly accurate, whereas the FE model becomes less predictive.

Drawing on interviews with young refugees, 20–30 years old, mainly from Syria and Afghanistan, we discuss the effects that temporary residence permits have on their ability to build a life in Sweden. The article includes both unaccompanied and accompanied youth that at some point had been given temporary residence permits. These permits could later be renewed or turned into permanent permits if the youth fulfilled certain tough requirements. Through rich empirical data, we show how these temporal techniques of border control keep young refugees in a state where they fear deportation, which have detrimental effects for their ability to build a life in Sweden. They are not able to plan ahead and they feel forced to work although they would have preferred to study, which puts them out of sync with other young people around them, challenges their sense of agency and increases their vulnerability. Temporary residence permits severely limit the life opportunities of young refugees in Sweden, and thus hamper their ability to achieve the “migrant integration” that is expected of them.

My talk focused on the development of subversive documentary cinema in Syria since the early 1970s which is part of the multidimensional foundations for the popular uprisings and artistic protests that emerged in the streets of Syria in 2011. I read from my book "Documenting Syria", published in 2019. I argue that the subversiveness of Syrian documentary cinema is directly linked to the emergence of critical exchanges between Syrian and Palestinian filmmakers who collaborated artistically and experimentally on cinema and political dialogues in Damascus (Damascus Cinema Club) and Amman (Palestinian Film Unit). This nexus continued to influence a younger generation of Syrian filmmakers throughout the first decade of the rule of Bashar al Assad of whom some became icons and martyrs of the Syrian Revolution. 

I exemplified this cinematic development with several cinematic works by Mohammed Malas, Rami al-Farrah, and Bassel al Shehadeh and the 2021 film by Abdallah al Khatib “Little Palestine, Diary of a Siege” filmed in the biggest Palestinian refugee camp – Yarmouk, in Damascus, Syria.

Much prior research has focused on understanding how host nationals’ negative opinions of the impact of migration and arriving communities affect their attitudes towards newcomers. Yet, the role of host nationals’ positive opinions has remained largely underinvestigated. The present study aims to move beyond the negative intergroup paradigm and contribute to the literature by examining whether positive opinions of refugees’ impact on the host society are related to host nationals’ positive behavioural intentions towards them. Specifically, the study investigated (1) the mediating role of social proximity in the relationship between positive opinions of refugees’ impact and readiness to assist them and (2) symbolic and realistic threats as potential moderators that might influence this direct/indirect relationship. The results provide initial evidence of the important role of positive opinions of refugees’ impact on the host community in promoting positive behavioural intentions towards newcomers via indirect association with closer social proximity. Moreover, our findings suggest that this relationship might be particularly beneficial for host nationals who perceive immigrants as imposing a realistic threat to their lives and to society as a whole—individuals who tend to be amongst the most prejudice-prone and resistant to change. 

This chapter explores the impact of being statelessness on individuals and communities who are displaced. It starts with an overview of statelessness, the numbers those people affected, the major stateless populations around the world, how statelessness is created and perpetuated and the presentation of two case studies of displaced stateless populations.  Following this, it covers the challenges that statelessness poses to those affected by it, as well as to social work practitioners working with them are presented. These are broken down to macro, meso and micro challenges. To assist the readers in overcoming these challenges key knowledge, capabilities and approaches for social workers supporting stateless persons are set out. The chapter concludes with discussion points for students and pedagogy suggestions for those leading courses on statelessness and displacement.  

This introductory chapter sets the scene for the book. It defines onward migration as a migration trajectory that involves extended stays in two or more destination countries and distinguishes it from competing and overlapping terms like stepwise and transit migration. Onward migration is a growing phenomenon within overall global migration dynamics, although statistics to document the scale and trends of this type of migration are scarce. The main aim of the chapter is to examine how onward migration and transnationalism are connected. This is achieved both by reference to a range of existing literature and by citing evidence from the succeeding chapters in the volume. We demonstrate both how transnationalism can shape onward migration and, the reverse, how different onward migration trajectories may result in different forms of transnationalism. In this latter context, we identify inter-generational, split, widening and re-routed transnationalism, again drawing on examples both from the book and from the wider literature. The final section of the chapter consists of a methodological discussion on the practicalities of researching onward migration and multi-sited transnationalism, in which the technique of multi-sited ethnography is discussed, critiqued and modified.

This open access book brings novel perspectives to the scholarship on transnational migration. The book stresses the complexity of migration trajectories and proposes multi-sited field studies to capture this complexity. Its constituent chapters offer examples of onward migration spanning all major world regions. The contents exemplify a range of interdisciplinary approaches, including both qualitative and quantitative methodologies. The result is an impressive remapping and reconceptualisation of global migration and mobility, of interest to students and policy-makers alike. 

Migration management policies in many states have marginalized significant numbers of individuals on the basis of their precarious residency status, negatively impacting their health. This article looks at how three European states with high levels of contagion - France, Sweden, and the United Kingdom - adapted their migration management policies to the changed circumstances during the Covid 19 pandemic in which there was new pressure for prioritizing population health over other concerns. The analysis compares globally-recognized 'best practices' for migrant health during the pandemic with policies adopted by France, Sweden, and the UK - selected as prominent migrant-hosting states and that experienced high rates of Covid-19. The article draws on supplementary evidence through interviews with civil society organizations working directly with migrants living on the margins of society - what are termed here 'marginalized migrants' (MMs). As the article concludes, the national policies often fell below international 'best practices' such that migration management was often prioritized over population health despite the crisis. The perspective developed in this paper is important for understanding where migration control policies have been prioritized over public health.

In 2011, the Swedish national tourism organisation, Visit Sweden, together with the Swedish Institute, launched a campaign – Curators of Sweden (CoS) – on Twitter, which ended in 2018. Each week a ‘Swedish’ person was chosen as a curator to tweet whatever they liked through the @Sweden account. All the curators were chosen because they represented ‘values, skills, and ideas’ which, according to the campaign, ‘all combined, makes up Sweden’. In this article, we try to understand the contradiction of CoS offering a cacophony of ‘diverse’ voices from Swedes but, at the same time, speaking with the ‘same’ voice. Through dialogism, we locate the different voices, agendas and diverse contexts in reality, and examine how the values, skills and ideas were managed and engineered through the CoS, in a bid to imagine Sweden and Swedish identity. 

The purpose of this article is to contribute to a refined perspective on how the practices of everyday life can challenge existing spatial scale relations, as well as produce new ones, and how this in turn can be addressed by planning. The investigation is based on a discussion of empirical studies dealing with the role of migrants in processes of place-making and urban transformation. In the article, we look particularly at how migrants challenge more established scale relations of certain places and cities in Nordic countries. We illustrate how cases of heterogenic place-making contest established urban scales such as the home, the neighbourhood and the city, and suggest a series of modalities that may be used in the context of urban planning and design, to describe and study these processes in greater detail. The modalities include the notions of extension and compression, up- and downscaling, side-stepping and a multiple order of scales.

This study examined the impact of native youth's subjective well-being on exclusionary attitudes toward immigrants, seeking to understand the relationship between subjective well-being, political distrust, and anti-immigrant attitudes over time. Using longitudinal data, we followed three cohorts of native young adults (N = 1352; Mage = 22.72, SD = 3.1) in Sweden over a period of 2 years. The results showed that subjective well-being did not predict an increase in anti-immigrant attitudes among native youth, but anti-immigrant attitudes had a significant impact on subjective well-being. The data also found bidirectional and mutually reinforcing relationships between subjective well-being and political distrust, and between political distrust and anti-immigrant attitudes. These results highlight that improving young adults' subjective well-being represents an important basis for preventing the development of political distrust, which in turn could reduce native youth's susceptibility to adopt hostile attitudes toward immigrants.

Much prior research relies on the idea that antipathy towards immigrants is primarily driven by natives' perceptions of the threat that immigrants represent to their economic, cultural or national well-being. Yet little is known about whether subjective well-being affects attitudes toward immigrants. This study aimed to examine whether life satisfaction would foster tolerance towards immigrants over time via the indirect influence of political satisfaction and social trust. The sample comprised young native adults (N = 1352; M age = 22.72; SD = 3.1) in Sweden. The results revealed that young adults who were satisfied with important life domains were more likely to extend their satisfaction towards the political system, which consequently resulted in a generalised expectation of trustworthiness and a widening of their circles of trusted others. This then translates into more positive attitudes toward immigrants. The findings provide evidence that it is the causal relationship between political satisfaction and social trust (rather than social trust in itself) which promotes the positive impact of life satisfaction on tolerance towards immigrants. The study highlights that fostering political satisfaction and social trust may play an important role in shaping young people's positive attitudes towards immigrants.

Minority populations' trust toward the criminal justice system is understudied in many parts of Europe, including Sweden. This article will contribute to this field by examining the trust in the criminal justice system among the Roma community in Sweden. The aim of the study was to (1) estimate the Roma community's trust toward the criminal justice system, (2) examine what factors influence the community's trust toward the criminal justice system, and (3) analyze whether trust toward the authorities influences the Roma community's willingness to report victimization. The study used a mixed-methodology design in combining survey data (n = 610) with in-depth interviews (N = 30). The findings show that the respondents have a low level of trust in the criminal justice system authorities. According to the regression analysis, the strongest predictor of trust was shown to be explained by the respondent's perception of procedural unfairness. Qualitative findings supported these results while also highlighting cultural effects and historical processes that explain the community's lack of trust. Finally, trust in the authorities seems to be an important factor that influences crime reporting.

This report summarises the Spring 2021 sessions of the PHED Commission on the Future of Healthcare Post Covid-19, which invited testimony from healthcare practitioners, civil servants, thinktanks, researchers, civil society, and other interested parties based on their experiences learnt during the pandemic. The evidence presented came from multiple geographies and levels, making it relevant both to Sweden and globally. It identifes several key recommendations for protecting and improving public health. These recommendations supplement and greatly expand upon those identifed in the report (‘Societal inequity makes us vulnerable to pandemics’) based on testimony from Fall/Autumn 2020, which can be accessed via: https://phed.uni.mau.se/. The wealth of experience summarized here goes well beyond the pandemic period, providing ideas and practical guidance for protecting and strengthening human health to be more resilient in the face of future crises.

Den här rapporten ger en sammanfattning av de seminarier som organiserades under våren 2021 av PHEDKommissionen för framtiden för hälso- och sjukvården efter covid-19, som bjöd in till vittnesmål från hälso- och sjukvårdspersonal, tjänstemän, tankesmedjor, forskare, civilsamhället och andra intresserade parter baserat på de erfarenheter de fått och lärt sig av under pandemin. De vittnesmål som framfördes kom från många olika geografska platser och många olika nivåer, vilket gjorde dem relevanta både för Sverige och globalt. De fastställer fera centrala rekommendationer för att skydda och förbättra folkhälsan. Dessa rekommendationer både kompletterar och i hög grad utökar de rekommendationer som togs fram i den första rapporten, som var mer fokuserad på Sverige (”Ojämlikhet i samhället gör oss sårbara för pandemier”) och baserad på vittnesmål från hösten 2020, och som kan nås via: https://phed.uni.mau.se/. Den stora mängd erfarenheter som sammanfattas här går långt utöver pandemiperioden och tillhandahåller idéer och praktisk vägledning för att skydda och stärka människors hälsa så att den blir mer motståndskraftig inför framtida kriser.