This study evaluates variables concerning demographic characteristics for all adult male offenders convicted of Child Sexual Abuse (CSA) aged 0–17 in Malmö, Sweden between 2013 and 2018. All convictions (n = 18) based on court documents from the District Court, the Court of Appeals and information from the Swedish Tax Agency were reviewed. A total of 30 victims were identified. Frequency analyses show that the most common features were that of a single offender, averaging 25 years old, with a non-Swedish background and a high school degree. The predominately extrafamilial CSA (i.e. committed by an acquaintance to the family) occurred in a private setting and consisted of penetrative acts. Girls averaging 13 years old were abused multiple times, under fear and pressure. Although assumptions based on these results are preliminary, they provide a clearer image of the typical circumstances under which CSA occurred within this time frame and geographical location. This study is a first attempt to construct an overview of demographic characteristics of CSA. As more data are gathered from this region, more sophisticated analyses can be conducted, providing stronger generalizations. Information of this kind may be important for research, classification of offender profiling and in case linking.

Much previous research on the fear of crime has focused on why some individuals, with certain characteristics, experience more or less fear of crime than others. However, there is also a growing body of research examining the role that the neighbourhood context in which individuals reside plays in shaping such feelings and perceptions. At the same time, less research has been directed at understanding why certain small-scale micro-places evoke feelings of unsafety and fear of crime.

The aim of this dissertation is to contribute to improving the current state ofthe research focused on place, the fear of crime, and related methodological issues. The dissertation includes four original empirical research papers. Study I is based on a case study evaluating the impact of camera surveillance and examines what role the operationalization of place may play for the results and interpretation of a given study.

The findings show that different operationalizations may indeed produce different results, and that the choice of operationalization must be carefully considered in the context of study design. Study II uses responses to an open-ended survey question from three waves of the Malmö Community Survey (2012, 2015, 2018) to chart the spatial concentration and temporal stability of unsafe locations.

The findings show that locations perceived as unsafe by city inhabitants are concentrated to a very small proportion of the urban space, and that there is a temporal stability in unsafe locations over time. Study III further explores unsafe locations by examining the spatial risk factors associated with these unsafe locations and the role played by neighbourhood collective efficacy and disorder. The results show that a number of spatial risk factors are correlated with the outcome, suggesting that the physical environment has a role to play in shaping people’s perceptions of unsafety at a given location. The findings also show that there are major between neighbourhood variations in unsafe locations, but that neighbourhood collective efficacy and disorder play only a limited role in the explanation of this variance. The final paper, Study IV, is a methodological study focused on the feasibility of using an alternative approach to studying fear of crime, as a momentary event, and uses an experience research framework implemented using a smart phone application (STUNDA). The general conclusion is that it is feasible to conduct research on the fear of crime using a smartphone application, but that emerging methods may also involve new methodological issues and challenges.

The four studies have both methodological and theoretical implications, suggesting that the way place is defined and operationalized may have important impacts on the results and interpretations of research studies. In addition, the findings suggest that there is more to be learned about the fear of crime as a context-specific experience that is dependent on the immediate environment, and that alternative methodological approaches focused on surveying momentary experiences of fear of crime using smartphone applications seem to be feasible. A place-based approach to the fear of crime, supported by alternative measures and methods, may also be important in developing a broader understanding of how perceptions of fear of crime and unsafety are shaped. Such an understanding may in turn assist policymakers and practitioners to design knowledge-based interventions to reduce fear of crime and feelings of unsafety.

Alcohol consumption and crime are closely linked and there is often more crime near pubs and bars. Few studies have considered the impact of restricting access to pubs or bars on crime, and the present study aims to provide more insight into this by using the restrictions to combat the COVID-19 pandemic as a natural experiment. In Oslo, Norway, alcohol serving was banned twice during 2020, and at other times during the year, restrictions were placed on how late it could be served. In the present paper, these restrictions are analysed, alongside more general COVID-19 restrictions, to assess their association with crime. To identify these, we employ negative binomial regression models of daily crime counts for nine types of crime adjusted for the day of the week, the week of the year, and the year itself. This is in addition to the presence, or absence, of alcohol-related restrictions and more general COVID-19 restrictions. The findings suggest that both, general restrictions and bans on serving alcohol, reduced crime, although not universally across all crime types and times of the day. When pubs are ordered not to sell alcohol after midnight there appears to be an unexpected increase in crime.

Criminology has long been divided by mainly focusing on people’s propensities to commit crimes, on the one hand, and environmental characteristics conducive to crime, on the other. Such a division must be bridged to advance knowledge about why some people, but not others, commit rule-breaking acts in some environments but not in others. Furthermore, explanations require causal mechanisms explaining how the outcome, a rule-breaking act, is produced. Analytic Criminology offers a general framework for how to theoretically and empirically structure the study of crime. It does so by connecting macro- and micro-levels – structuring the convergence of certain people in certain places – through a mechanistic account. Within this framework, the situational action theory (SAT) proposes a causal mechanism explaining how said convergence triggers the perception-choice process: a rule-breaking act must first be perceived to be subsequently chosen. The main drivers during this process are the person’s crime propensity and the criminogeneity of the behaviour setting. Identifying the central components also enables the theorising of changes in crime involvement, which is the subject of the developmental ecological action (DEA) model of SAT. Drawing on data from the longitudinal project Malmö Individual and Neighbourhood Development Study, this thesis aimed to test SAT and its DEA model, thus bridging said division. It did so through four studies with specific reference to adolescents’ crime propensity, exposure to criminogenic settings, their convergence, and finally, change over time. Study I and study II investigated adolescents’ time use and connections to rule-breaking. The former examined how adolescents spend time in unsupervised and unstructured socialising with peers, during which hours of the day, in which neighbourhoods, and what level of collective efficacy the neighbourhoods have. Study II focused on adolescents’ routine activities and how they differentially place adolescents in unstructured socialising. Furthermore, it tested whether adolescents with higher crime propensity run a higher probability of reporting a rule-breaking act during unstructured socialising irrespective of their routine activities. Study III extended the situational analysis by investigating how adolescents form rule-breaking intentions in randomised scenarios depending on their morality, self-control, and the setting characteristics (varying in level of motivation and deterrence). Study IV applied a developmental perspective to key theoretical constructs derived from the DEA model, focusing on how morality, peer delinquency, and unstructured socialising change, and how the change in each is related to change in the others. Together, the studies found that adolescents with different levels of crime propensity are differently exposed to criminogenic settings but that such exposure simultaneously increases the probability of rule-breaking more for adolescents with higher crime propensity. In sum, the studies have bridged the person–place division in different ways by being rooted in a mechanistic account of rule-breaking, which is proposed as a way forward for criminology as a discipline. 

Policing research has had an upswing as the evidence-based policing movement has grown stronger and entered police practises worldwide. Within the evidence-based policing (EBP) approach, practically and academically skilled individuals, pracademics, have attracted attention as facilitating the merging of policing practice and research.

Using principles from EBP, and with a special focus on translating between policing practice, policy and research, this thesis aims to explore the characteristics of illicit drug markets with a place-based focus and to link this to the enhancement of EBP in Sweden. The theoretical base of the thesis is drawn from disorganization theory, routine activity theory and situational action theory, and these theories are combined with empirical studies from the research field of drug markets.

Drug markets are defined as open drug scenes (ODSs) in this pracademic thesis, which includes two empirical studies of patterns that characterize ODSs, one randomized controlled trial (RCT) of a law enforcement tactic at an ODS, and one case study of the impact of the pracademic research approach. The findings show that there are almost 50 ODSs in Stockholm County, which are characterized by patterns of crime concentration, a gun violence overlap, and associations with perceptions of unsafety. Three types of ODSs were identified, providing a basis for the tailoring of future interventions based on area characteristics, ODS stability, levels of violence, and gang activity. Micro places associated with ODSs and gun violence were found to be characterized by harsh social conditions and high levels of crime. A predictive index was created to forecast micro places at which gun violence may occur, and the prediction was enhanced when ODSs were included as predictive locations. The RCT, which was completed at a well-known ODS in the inner city of Stockholm, showed a slight but non-significant effect of the police conducting motivational talks with offenders, which gave rise to questions regarding the method’s effectiveness. The case study of the RCT process found frustration in police departments to be a possible door-opener for research. Ease of implementation was associated with the research having credibility among police officers, which was achieved by including the needs of practice in research questions and through the role played by the pracademic researcher.

This thesis argues for making use of pracademics to bridge the research-practice gap, a focus on ODSs, and the testing and tracking of methods such as hot spots policing, with an emphasis on properly implemented evidence-based methods and on the goals of enforcement strategies as a means of improving the effectiveness of drug-market policing.

This study examines repeat school victimization, and is an extension of previous research. The distributions of two property crimes (burglary and theft) and three crimes against the person (assault, threats and harassment) in compulsory schools are compared between municipal and independent schools in Malmö, as well as between school areas with varying economic status. The time course between incidents is compared between crime types and between areas with low and high economic status, respectively. The study is based on reported crime data, and is geographically limited to the municipality of Malmö. The data relate to the period 2015–2017. The study’s results show a skewed distribution for victimization in general, with municipal schools and schools in areas with low economic status being most affected. The majority of repeat school victimization takes place within a month of the previous incident, and this time frame applies to all four crime types. Burglaries and assaults are repeated more quickly in the most deprived areas, while for theft and threats/harassment, there is very little difference in the time course between different areas. Victimization differences and preventive implications are discussed based on the theories of routine activities, social disorganization and macro-level strain.

Perceived unsafety, fear of crime, and avoidance were studied in relation to different types of crime, crime in different time perspectives, concentrated disadvantage, collective efficacy, urbanity, age structure, and neighborhood disorder. Four data sources were used on a large Swedish city; a community survey from 2012 and 2015 among residents, census data on socio-demographics, police data on reported violent (assault and robbery in the public environment), and property crimes (arson, property damage, theft, vehicle theft, and residential burglary) and geographical information on local bus stops and annual passengers visiting these bus stops. Collective efficacy primarily, but also concentrated disadvantage, was strongly related to perceived unsafety, across 102 neighborhoods. Collective efficacy was strongly related to fear of crime. It was not viable to relate the neighborhood variables with avoidance, however. Fear of specific violent crimes was different from fear of specific property crimes and should for future reference be examined separately. Crime, visible disorder, urbanity, and age structure do not seem as important.