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  • 1.
    Bevelander, Pieter
    et al.
    Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Pro-and antimigrant mobilizations in polarized Sweden2019In: The refugee reception crisis in anti-immigrant times: Polarization of the public opinion, local mobilizations and reception practices in Europe; / [ed] Andrea Rea; Martin Martiniello; Alessandro Mazzola; Bart Meuleman, ULB Press , 2019, p. 75-94Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter describes current changes in migration flows and politics in Sweden, before presenting and discussing the reactions to these changes in civil society – the mobilization of both pro- and anti-migration sentiments – which reflect the polarized sentiments towards immigration in Swedish society.First, this report conveys information about migration flows to Sweden before, during and after the refugee reception crisis of 2015. In 2016 in particular, Sweden had a major intake of asylum seekers, which prompted new legislative measures to manage this. Second, we emphasize transformations in the party-political landscape before, during and after the refugee reception crisis of 2015. In this period there was also a rhetorical shift in mainstream politics, heralding an emphasis on security in order to protect the Swedish model. The mainstream-right bloc was also split in two. Third, we study the actions and reactions in response to these changes in civil society. The everyday experiences of problems with integration stand in contrast with international norms of solidarity. We conclude that the crisis enabled a window of opportunity for the mobilization of both pro- and anti-migration sentiments in civil society.

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  • 2.
    Bevelander, Pieter
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Trespassing the threshold of relevance: Media exposure and opinion polls of the Sweden Democrats 2006-20102011In: Discussion Paper, ISSN 0308-5864, no 6011Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In September 2010 the anti-immigration party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), crossed the electoral threshold to the Swedish parliament (Riksdagen) for the first time with 5.7 percent of the total votes. The aim of this article is to analyze the effect of the media exposure on fluctuations in opinion polls for political parties; i.e. the media effect. In particular to what extent this can explain the electoral fortunes of the SD. We correlate the number of articles published in the print media with the results of the SD opinion polls as well as the opinion poll results of all the other parliamentary parties during a 48 month period, from the month after the 2006 elections (October 2006) up to September 2010. Our results show that the media effect is more important for the SD compared to the other parliamentary parties, similar in size. The media effect also differs between the six newspapers put into scrutiny in this study, the leading daily Dagens Nyheter (DN) had a considerably stronger effect on the opinion fluctuations, compared to the other five newspapers. To conclude, media exposure sometimes matters, especially for 'new parties', but neither to the same degree everywhere nor at the same time. Ultimately, our findings show that the threshold of relevance does not perfectly match with the crossing of the electoral threshold to the national parliament, as suggested in the literature to explain the electoral fortunes of new anti-immigration parties prior to their entry into parliament.

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  • 3.
    Bevelander, Pieter
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Institute for Studies in Malmö's history (IMH).
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Institute for Studies in Malmö's history (IMH).
    Trespassing the Threshold of Relevance: Media Exposure and Opinion Polls of the Sweden Democrats, 2006-20102015In: Contrastes: International Journal of Philosophy, ISSN 1136-9922, Vol. 20, no 3 : Ideas and Realities of Democracy: Meeting the Challenges of Contemporary Citizenship, p. 39-59Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Democratic theory seldom meets democratic practice and fluctuations in public opinion and media representations of the same political actor do not easily converge. In September 2010, Sweden’s anti-immigration party, the Sweden Democrats (SD), crossed the electoral threshold to participate in Sweden’s parliament and it has continued to grow. In this article, we analyze the effect of media exposure on fluctuations in opinion polls for political parties, or the media effect. Our results show the media effect is more important for SD than for other parliamentary parties. Media exposure sometimes matters, but not to the same degree everywhere and not necessarily at the same time.

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  • 4.
    Fernández, Christian
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Bevelander, Pieter
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Att bli medborgare, att vara medmänniska2011In: Vägar till medborgarskap / [ed] Pieter Bevelander, Christian Fernández, Anders Hellström, Arkiv förlag & tidskrift, 2011, p. 143-166Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 5.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Att definiera vad folket vill är en viktig uppgift2009In: Praktik & Teori, no 3, p. 39-45Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Är svenska folket en rädd massa? Utan att egentligen veta vad folket anser om förändringar i samtiden, tenderar även etablerade politiker att definiera folket så. Att den svenska integrationspolitiken i ett jämförande perspektiv lyfts fram som mer lyckad än vad som är fallet i andra länder nämns överhuvudtaget inte i den svenska debatten.

  • 6.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Book review: Debating multiculturalism in the Nordic welfare states2015In: Ethnic and Racial Studies, ISSN 0141-9870, E-ISSN 1466-4356, Vol. 38, no 3, p. 491-493Article, book review (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Book review: Debating multiculturalism in the Nordic welfare states, edited by Peter Kivisto and Östen Wahlbeck,

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  • 7.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Borders of Normality, Context-Dependency and the Nationalist Populist Parties2015In: Panorama : Insights into Asian and European affairs, ISSN 0119-5204, Vol. 2, p. 29-40Article in journal (Refereed)
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  • 8.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Bringing Europe Down to Earth: Identity Politics of the European Union2008Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Why is it considered more European to vote in the affirmative of the Euro than it is to vote against it? Why is it not possible to be a populist and a "Good European" at the same time? What makes an illegal immigrant different from a tourist? What makes Europe different from other imagined communities such as 'the nation'? This book deals with questions that concern what it means to be, act and think as Europeans in Europe. In his attempts to bringing Europe down to earth, the author highlights contradictions that are inherent in our perceptions of what makes Europe "Europe".

  • 9.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Carly Elizabeth SchallThe Rise and Fall of the Miraculous Welfare Machine: Immigration and Social Democracy in Twentieth-Century Sweden2017In: Studies in Ethnicity and Nationalism, ISSN 1473-8481, E-ISSN 1754-9469, Vol. 17, no 2, p. 300-302Article, book review (Other academic)
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  • 10.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Cristian Norocel, Our People: A Tight-Knit family under the Same Protective Roof: A Critical Study of Gendered Conceptual Metaphors in Radical Right Populism2015In: Statsvetenskaplig Tidskrift, ISSN 0039-0747, Vol. 117, no 3, p. 478-482Article, book review (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Recension av avhandling

  • 11.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Debatten om Sverigedemokraternas medborgarskapspolitik2011In: Vägar till medborgarskap / [ed] Pieter Bevelander, Christian Fernández, Anders Hellström, Arkiv förlag & tidskrift, 2011, p. 99-111Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 12.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Det nya folkhemspartiet: populismens olika ansikten2010In: Fronesis, ISSN 1404-2614, no 34, p. 110-124Article in journal (Other academic)
  • 13.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    En tryckkokare på väg mot explosion eller ett folk som har bättre koll än så2009In: FLS-aktuellt, ISSN 0345-3405, Vol. 50, no 3, p. 9-12Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    Vad hjälper det att det Sverigedemokratiska partiet hålls utanför de politiska salongerna om deras politik inte gör det?

  • 14.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    En tryckkokare som väntar på att explodera2009In: SVT Debatt, no 090929Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
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  • 15.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Europe in Peril2008In: Majority Cultures and the Everyday Politics of Ethnic Difference. Whose House is This? / [ed] Bo Petersson, Katharine Tyler, Palgrave Macmillan, 2008Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In this chapter, the author explores the link between security and identity in the context of the political project of the EU. One of the fundamental objectives of the EU is that the union shall ensure the citizens of Europe an area of freedom, security and justice (AFSJ) without internal borders. This aim exemplifies a desire that all Europeans should benefit from further integration in terms of greater cultural interchange, economic growth and enhanced opportunities to move freely within the EU. On the other hand, it also emphasizes that ‘we’ need to protect ourselves far better against crime that breaches state borders, as evidenced in Madrid in 2004 and London in 2005. The author demonstrates how central to this project is the construction of a pan-European cultural identity rooted in shared knowledge and a common understanding of history. Hellström contends that the consequence of these policies is for marginalized groups within the EU, and people applying for asylum in any European country, to risk victimization and unfair treatment.

  • 16.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Europeisk familjelycka: om användandet av familjemetaforen i EU2009In: Sociologisk forskning, ISSN 0038-0342, E-ISSN 2002-066X, no 1, p. 46-66Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The re-unification of a family of nations: usages of the family metaphor in the EU. This article analyses usages of the family metaphor in the EU. It starts up with a scrutiny of feminist theories of the nation-as-family metaphor. Introducing the concept of domopolitics, the author infers that the family, on the one hand, connotes to feelings of security and homelyness and, on the other hand, fears of the well-known, of immanent threats to in-group cohesion. The significance of the family metaphor in the EU rhetoric connects to a renewed emphasis on distinct values, principles and norms that balance the otherwise technocratic image of the EU. He further applies the nation-as-family metaphor to contemporary EU rhetoric. In the analysis, he infers that all three dimensions of the metaphor (ethnic, civil and hierarchy) are manifest in the EU political language making its use an enterprise that strives at moving beyond, but not completely away from the nation-state paradigm.

  • 17.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Europe's Bogeyman: Europeanization of Nationalism2015In: Playing Second Fiddle? Contending visions of Europe's development / [ed] Hans-Åke Persson, Bo Petersson, Cecilie Stokholm Banke, Roos & Tegner , 2015, p. 27-47Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The encapsulation of Europe´s borders inside the national states and current demands to limit migration inte the EU lie at the core of this study. I discuss how feelings of anxiety towards growing diversity in the population transmute into party political preferences. I show how the nationalist-populist party the Sweden Democrats in Sweden mobilize voters from both the right and the left, using the national myth of the People´s Home to distinguish between the fearful outside and the authenticity of the inside.

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  • 18.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Help! The populists are coming, appeals to the people in contemporary Swedish politics2013Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This article introduces the concept of banal populism to emphasize the intrinsic ambiguity of the relationship between democracy and populism in representative politics. The article expands on three approaches to populism, based on ideology, style and logic to suggest a framework for the study of articulations of banal populism in the everyday political communication between the people and the mediated elite, devoid of normative presuppositions. Empirically, the article shows how the rhetorical figure of the reality people [Verklighetens folk] has been used differently by three political parties in Sweden; i. e the right-wing populist party New Democracy (NyD), in parliament between 1991 and 1994, the Christian Democratic Party (KD) which is currently in the government and also by the nationalist-populist party the Sweden Democrats (SD), which gained 20 seats in the parliament by 2010. The article concludes that the struggle of who the people are and what they wish for is a permanent companion nested in the everyday communication of the votes.

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  • 19.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM). Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    How anti-immigration views were articulated in Sweden during and after 20152021Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The development towards the mainstreaming of extremism in European countries in the areas of immigration and integration has taken place both in policy and in discourse. The harsh policy measures that were implemented after the 2015 refugee crisis have led to a discursive shift; what is normal to say and do in the areas of immigration and integration has changed. Anti-immigration claims are today not merely articulated in the fringes of the political spectrum but more widely accepted and also, at least partly, officially sanctioned. This study investigates the anti-immigration claims, seen as (populist) appeals to the people that centre around a particular mythology of the people and that are, as such, deeply ingrained in national identity construction. The two dimensions of the populist divide are of relevance here: The horizontal dimension refers to articulated differences between "the people", who belong here, and the "non-people" (the other), who do not. The vertical dimension refers to articulated differences between the common people and the established elites. Empirically, the analysis shows how anti-immigration views embedded in processes of national myth making during and after 2015 were articulated in the socially conservative online newspaper Samtiden from 2016 to 2019. The results indicate that far-right populist discourse conveys a nostalgia for a golden age and a cohesive and homogenous collective identity, combining ideals of cultural conformism and socioeconomic fairness.

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  • 20.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Passions of Representative Politics2009Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In this presentation I will introduce a very preliminary draft of the text “Passions of Representative Politics”. My ambition is to sketch a first chapter of my book project “Struggles of the people: nationalism, populism and democracy in Scandinavian politics, 1928-2010”. The passions of representative politics refer to the delicate balancing between the functional needs of the system and the emotive appeals to the people. Recognising the passions of representative politics, I emphasise the struggles of the people as a basis for how politics is performed and communicated between the citizenry and the mediated elites; how the Pathos continuum between the acceptable normalcy and the pathological deviance is established differently in Sweden, Denmark and in Norway. The book aims to explain the appearance and development of three nationalist parties, by means of scrutinizing and comparing changing perceptions of the people in these countries. The main thesis is that the nationalist parties (Dansk Folkeparti in Denmark, Sverigedemokraterna in Sweden and Fremskrittspartiet in Norway), by acting as the true heirs of Social Democracy – i.e. the proponents of the people – gain resonance for their politics. The ambition is, by way of extrapolation, to illuminate differences and similarities concerning the contemporary debate on national self images (and threat images), integration and migration in contemporary Scandinavian politics.

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  • 21.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Rasist? Inte jag. Om rasismer: en begreppsinventering2016Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    Since there are many different forms of racism, also the resistance against them vary. The analytical dimensions scope (thin or thick) and focus (individual or society) are used to unpack different conceptualisations of racism, their legacies and contemporary manifestations. The racisms studied in this report convey biological racism, (neo)-racism, institutional racism, cultural racism and everyday racism. In the public debate, old-fashioned conceptualisations of racism tend to dominate by focusing on who is racist and who is not; what is racism and what is not, and enabling the rhetorical figure of ”I am not a racist, but”. This report offers a refined and multifaceted conceptualisation of racism, offering multiple tools of anti-racist struggle.

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  • 22.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Reviewed Work: Lions of the North: Sounds of the New Nordic Nationalism by Benjamin R. Teitelbaum2018In: Scandinavian Studies, ISSN 0036-5637, E-ISSN 2163-8195, Vol. 90, no 4, p. 575-580Article, book review (Other academic)
  • 23.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Teaching Europeans how to be Europeans2009In: Journal of Language and Politics, ISSN 1569-2159, E-ISSN 1569-9862, Vol. 8, no 2, p. 167-194Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, the author explores how the question of Europe has been established on the domestic scene. The article focuses on referenda on EU-related issues held in three EU member states, ranging from Ireland in 2001, to Sweden in 2003, and finally France in 2005. In all three cases, the national populations voted against the will of a majority of their representatives, and chose not to follow the defined EU agenda towards greater integration. The study includes analyses of the national news reporting in the three cases as well as responses from Brussels. The author infers that three No-votes, in the perspective of the political elites, were interpreted as incentives to further the integration process, spelling out a message of that Europeans want Europe, even if some people (i.e. the No-voting majorities) were considered yet to learn what it means to be, act and think as Europeans in Europe.

  • 24.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, School of Technology (TS).
    The number, size and composition of the EU-bureaucracy in Sweden2006Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    It is a general finding of this report that the national, regional and local work with EU-affairs is deeply interwoven with domestic affairs; hence, it is indeed difficult to maintain a division between them. Even if it is hard to come up with exact figure, it seems accurate to suggest that the EU-bureaucracy is large-sized in Sweden. Noteworthy is that some respondents prefer to conceive of EU-affairs as a “potential of use” rather than “adaptational pressures” as perhaps indicated of their interpretation of the term “bureaucracy”.

  • 25.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM). Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    The Populist Divide in Far-Right Political Discourse in Sweden: Anti-Immigration Claims in the Swedish Socially Conservative Online Newspaper Samtiden from 2016 to 20222023In: Societies, E-ISSN 2075-4698, Vol. 13, no 5, p. 1-17, article id 108Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, I aim to show how populism can be used as an analytical category to make sense of how anti-immigration claims are articulated in far-right political discourse. I will do this by giving examples of and drawing attention to how the anti-immigration claims are articulated via the populist divide, namely anti-elitism and people-centrism, and delve into the issue of which people are mobilised against which elite in articulatory practice. I use narrative analysis to link individual newspaper texts to dominant storylines of the nation (master narratives) in the continuous construction of national identity. The material is based on 169 articles published in the socially conservative online newspaper Samtiden between 2016 and 2022 on national identity. The results from the narrative analysis indicate that far-right populist discourse conveys nostalgia for a golden age and a cohesive and homogenous collective national identity, combining ideals of cultural conformism and socio-economic fairness against the fragmentary political agenda of different elites, spelling out a message that everything was better before.

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  • 26.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Trust us: reproducing the nation and the Scandinavian nationalist populist parties2015Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    In Scandinavia, there is separation in the electorate between those who embrace diversity and those who wish for tighter bonds between people and nation. This book focuses on three nationalist populist parties in Scandinavia—the Sweden Democrats, the Progress Party in Norway, and the Danish People’s Party. In order to affect domestic politics by addressing this conflict of diversity versus homogeneity, these parties must enter the national parliament while earning the nation’s trust. Of the three, the Sweden Democrats have yet to earn the trust of the mainstream, leading to polarized and emotionally driven public debate that raises the question of national identity and what is understood as the common man.

  • 27.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Varför vi älskar att hata Sverigedemokraterna2013In: ARKIV. Tidskrift för samhällsanalys, ISSN 2000-6225, E-ISSN 2000-6217, no 2, p. 69-99Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [sv]

    Författaren undersöker Sverigedemokraternas (SD) roll i svensk politik. Huvudargumentet är att vi älskar att hata SD och att vårt gemensamma avståndstagande uttrycker nationell gemenskap och samhörighet. Enligt denna logik har SD inte bara fel åsikter; de representerar också onda typer. För att förstå SD:s utanförskapsposition i svensk politik är det väsentligt att beakta politisk kommunikation som någonting utöver rationella intressen eller skapande av kompromisser. Politik handlar också om förlösande av känslor, om att formulera visioner och agera ut sina passioner för eller mot ett specifikt politiskt projekt. Materialet jag utgår ifrån är SD:s politiska riktlinjer inför valet 2010 och den offentliga debatten om partiet, uttryckt i den löpande medierapporteringen. Teoretiskt anknyter jag till den akademiska diskussionen om vilka begrepp, exempelvis ”nationalism” och ”populism” som används för att klassificera den typ av parti som SD utgör. Texten kryddas av löpande referenser till den dagsaktuella politiska debatten.

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  • 28. Hellström, Anders
    Vi är de goda: den offentliga debatten om Sverigedemokraterna och deras politik2010Book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Sverigedemokraterna väcker känslor. Partiets framgångar under de senaste åren har utlöst en moralpanik bland traditionella politiska aktörer och medier som har upprörts över SD:s nationalistiska framtoning och invandringskritiska politik. I Vi är de goda undersöker statsvetaren Anders Hellström SD:s roll och position i svensk politik och debatt. Till skillnad från de som utmålar partiet som en avvikelse i svensk politik och historia, argumenterar Hellström för att SD snarare utgår från och radikaliserar de traditionella partiernas politik och retorik. Med utgångspunkt i aktuell forskning om främlingsfientlighet och populism i Europa visar han hur SD försöker etablera sig i den svenska offentligheten genom att balansera mellan det politiskt konforma och det politiskt utmanande. SD:s närvaro i den svenska politiska debatten väcker till liv politikens moraliska underton och känslomässiga dragningskraft. SD ser sig själva som moraliskt goda nationalister som lyssnar till mannen på gatan. En effekt av detta är att de etablerade partiernas nationalism kan framstå som sund, naturlig och ofarlig just därför att den speglas mot SD:s nationalism som beskrivs som ond, bedräglig och farlig.

  • 29.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Vilka minnen vill vi hålla kvar vid2022In: 2015 - till asylrättens försvar / [ed] Kamal al Salim & Maria Padrón Hernandez, Stockholm: Verbal förlag , 2022Chapter in book (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    De flesta politiska partier och flera experter hävdar att vi aldrig ska återvända till 2015 igen. Detta meddelande upprepas, både i media och i politiken. I kapitlet redogörs för dels policyförändringar i samband med mottagningskrisen 2015 och dels också om partiernas hållning och beslut i frågan. Vilka minnen vi håller oss kvar vid färgas av och färgar vad vi väljer att associera med 2015

  • 30.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Än jag då?: Rasismer och inte bara Rasism2016In: Ikaros, ISSN 0782-6052, no 1-2, p. 35-36Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
    Abstract [sv]

    Det finns inte en rasism, utan flera olika rasismer. Det här är ingen katastrof, utan tvärtom en början för reflektion och diskussion kring vilka vi är och vill vara i relation till de andra; hur vi kan och vill leva tillsammans i olikhet.

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  • 31.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Bevelander, Pieter
    Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    When the media matters for electoral performance2018In: Sociologisk forskning, ISSN 0038-0342, E-ISSN 2002-066X, Vol. 55, no 2-3, p. 249-266Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In this article, we analyse the connection between media exposure and opinion polls for political parties or "the media influence". We compare two parliamentary periods in Sweden: 2006-2010 and 2010-2014. Our results show that the media is important for the anti-immigration party, the Sweden Democrats (SD) in the first period. This is not the case, or at least less so, for the other parliamentary parties. In the second period, media exposure wanes in importance for explaining poll fluctuations as well as shifts from national to regional media for the Sweden Democrats. These findings are in consonance with previous research which underlines that the media's influence on electoral performance differs before and after the party has crossed the electoral threshold to the national parliament.

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  • 32.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Edenborg, Emil
    Politics of Shame: Life Stories of the Sweden Democrats' voters in a counter public sphere2016In: L´extrême droite en Europe / [ed] Jamin Jérôme, Bruylant, 2016, p. 457-474Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The Sweden Democrats (SD) is portrayed in a negative light in the mainstream public debate. Simultaneously, voter support for the party has grown significantly. In the 2014 national elections they achieved 12, 9 per cent of the national votes in Sweden. Although, they have not changed the policy in their desired direction, they were close to cause a re-election. This ostensible contradiction is the starting point for our study. We aim to understand how an SD vote can appear as logical choice for many voters. We use narrative analysis to examine one possible site for alternative narratives; i.e., the article series ’From the seven-parties-clover to the SD’ at the website Avpixlat. Our material consists of 33 personal letters by individuals who have reflected on and motivated their decision to leave the established parties and vote for the SD instead. Our analysis shows that the party political preferences of the narrators are interwoven with their life stories. A deliberate choice to vote for a party outside the political mainstream signifies the politicisation of self-identity construction and world-making processes. The narrators do not reject mainstream norms generally, but instead demonstrate their belonging to ordinary society. In the narratives, sympathizing with the SD is associated with feelings of shame and a fear of being ostracized by friends and colleagues if one´s views became known. Feelings of shame constitute a powerful mobilisation tool for the SD to gain a foothold in the public debate, of representing an alternative voice in a multiple public sphere of combining elements of both Culture and Welfare.

  • 33.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Fernández, Christian
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Bevelander, Pieter
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Vägar till medborgarskap2011In: Vägar till medborgarskap / [ed] Pieter Bevelander, Christian Fernández, Anders Hellström, Arkiv förlag & tidskrift, 2011, p. 9-28Chapter in book (Other academic)
  • 34.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Hervik, Peter
    Feeding the Beast: Nourishing nativist appeals in Sweden and in Denmark2009Conference paper (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    This article assumes that the elections to the European Parliament (EP) make a special site for the explicit formulation of nativist political rhetoric. The nativist view holds that states should be protected and reserved to members of the national group with the specific aim of consolidating political and cultural homogeneity. The aim of this article is to consider the public debate in Denmark and in Sweden surrounding the EP elections in 2004 and in 2009, comparing the use and acceptance of nativist political language in these countries. We use frame analysis to explore how the framing of issues will reveal certain views and attitudes that affect the popular opinion; hence, the successful evocation of xenophobic attitudes provides more support for the Populist Radical Right Parties (RPPs), which will make the other parties to compete for these votes as well. The analysis is based on a quantitative, and a qualitative reading of 573 articles in ten Danish and Swedish newspapers. Since in Denmark the Danish People’s Party (DF) occupies a privileged position as government supporting party compared to the marginal position of the Sweden Democrats (SD) in Sweden, we hypothesise that the journalistic tone used towards the SD in Swedish newspapers is more negative compared to Denmark and also that the public opinion is framed as more skeptic and afraid of immigrants in Denmark compared to Sweden. We also expect to determine a difference in time (from the 2004 elections to the elections in 2009) in this regard. The article concludes that feeding the beast nourishes nativist appeals, but also vice versa.

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  • 35.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Hervik, Peter
    Centre for the Study of Migration and Diversity (CoMID), Department of Culture and Global Studies, Aalborg University, Aalborg, Denmark.
    Feeding the beast: nourishing nativist appeals in Sweden and in Denmark2014In: Journal of International Migration and Integration, ISSN 1488-3473, E-ISSN 1874-6365, Vol. 15, p. 449-467Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    Sweden and Denmark share a similar socio-political structure, yet these two countries demonstrate two distinct discourses on immigration. This article focuses on the tone of the debate in Denmark and Sweden concerning immigration and national identity. If the tone of debate is shaped by a language of fear, we argue, this predisposes people to vote for anti-immigration parties. Our analysis highlights the position of anti-immigration parties; hence, the Sweden Democrats (SD) in Sweden and the Danish People’s Party (DPP) in Denmark. We use frame analysis to detect recurrent frames in the media debate concerning the SD and the DPP in the political competition over votes. Our material concentrates on the run-up to the European Parliamentary (EP) elections of 2004 and 2009, in total 573 articles in ten major Danish and Swedish newspapers. We show that the harsh tone of the debate and the negative dialogue risks leading to the construction of beasts that are impossible to negotiate with. In the Swedish political debate, the SD is highly stigmatized as the beast (the extreme other) in Swedish politics and this stigma is used by the SD in the mobilization of votes. In Denmark the religion of Islam as such plays a similar role and provides the DPP with an identity. We conclude that we are confronted with a two-faced beast that feeds on perceptions of the people as ultimately afraid of what are not recognized as native goods.

  • 36.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Kiiskinen, Jenny
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Populismens dubbla ansikte2013In: IMER idag: aktuella perspektiv på internationell migration och etniska relationer / [ed] Bo Petersson, Christina Johansson, Liber, 2013, p. 186-214Chapter in book (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Kapitlet behandlar dels begreppet populism i relation till demokrati och dels hur ”populistiska” partier växer sig starkare. Populism kan ta sig uttryck i en frustration bland befolkningen över att samhällets kulturella eliter moraliserar över hur ”vanligt folk” lever sina liv eller att dess politiska eliter förbiser folkets önskemål. Populism kan också handla om främlingsfientlig politik. Men det behöver inte göra det. Till syvende och sist handlar det om vilket folk som mobiliseras mot vem. Sverigedemokraterna (SD) anklagas för att göra politik av främlingsfientliga stämningar. Partiet självt säger sig företräda mannen på gatan gentemot samhällets eliter. Måhända är det lätt att avfärda populism som känslomässigt utspel. Men det är viktigt att komma ihåg att också motståndare spelar på känslor i sitt avståndstagande mot denna retorik. Häri ligger populismens dubbla ansikte.

  • 37.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Lennhag, Mi
    Folkets vänner: populismens olika ansikten2010In: Fronesis, ISSN 1404-2614, no 34, p. 82-89Article in journal (Other academic)
    Abstract [sv]

    Introduktion till temaartiklar i temanumret Kampen om folket.

  • 38.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Lodenius, Anna-Lena
    Invandring, mediebilder och radikala högerpopulistiska partier i Norden2016Report (Other academic)
    Abstract [en]

    The starting point of this report are the ambivalent views in Sweden Democrats’ (SD’s) role and position in Swedish politics. At the mid-point of its second mandate period since the party entered the Swedish parliament in 2010, no other party has yet attempted to move closer or to initiate talks and negotiations with the party. To speak figuratively, SD was still in the entrance hall, and there were no signs of invitations to enter the living room. SD’s policy program differs from those of the other Swedish parliamentary parties, especially in the field of migration policy. SD wants to drastically reduce the number of asylum seekers, as well as to bring down the numbers of all migrants to a mini- mum, regardless of how many are currently entering the country. The party aims for a different Sweden, not only in the field of migration policy. They want a country with minimal elements of other cultures and religions and stress uniformity, foun- ded on the basis of what SD consider to be Swedish values and traditions. SD is an extreme nationalist party, and distinguishes itself from other similar par- ties in neighbouring countries by its history and by virtue of its previously strong ties with fascists and Nazi movements. Reducing immigration is thus, for SD, not just about preserving welfare, jobs and housing. The intention is to transform or rather restore the national community: a tight fusion between nation and state. This report is based on the assumption that the Swedish debate on migration po- licy is unusually polarized. In the 2014 election campaign, voters were faced with two options: either a generous immigration policy or a much more restrictive policy, while concrete proposals in the area of migration policy were conspicuous by their absence in both political camps. Since then issues of migration and integration are ix on everyone’s lips. In its initial background part, this report shows how SD’s poli- cies on migration were radically different from those of other parties in the election campaign of 2014. Since the election 2014 migration has been the big issue in the political debate, and other parties have put forward more restrictive policies towards migration. This has not really changed the situation with the polarisation; no parties will admit that they are moving closer to SD. Put in other words, in the area of party politics, the differences between the other parliamentary parties and the SD has undoubtedly decreased but in the area of public opinion the polarisation yet remains. SD has successfully attracted new voters by exploiting the mismatch between de- mand and supply of concrete policy proposals in migration policy. The SD also ex- ploits the fact that criticism of various forms of immigration has been more or less absent in the other parties’ platforms. By election time in 2014, SD had also moved forward as the party in Sweden which is the most critical of the EU and as the only remaining party which clearly propagates Swedish exit from the EU.1 The Swedish situation is unique in Nordic comparison. In Norway, Finland and Denmark, comparable parties have already made the journey from being funda- mentally debarred of cross-party political cooperation into more central political positions.2 The investigations presented in this report show how the image of SD is reproduced both externally and internally. The first part of the study examines how Swedish edi- torial articles in the daily press deal with SD, compared to corresponding reporting about similar parties on the editorial pages in other Nordic countries. This study relies on descriptive statistics based on own calculations. The second part of the study examines how the image of SD is reproduced by a review of texts from the site Avpixlat, formally independent but with close ties to the SD. The texts analysed were those which have been presented as authentic letters from persons that used to vote for other parties (published in the series ”From the seven clover to the SD”), but who have now changed their minds and have decided to vote for SD in the next x election. We cannot know for sure that the letters are authentic, but regardless of this, we can trace a common narrative in the letters which can be analysed. This study is based on narrative analysis; to study how individual experiences and per- ceptions of everyday events transmute into changes in party political preferences. We present the following conclusions from the study’s first part, on editorial articles: 1) There was no major change in the way SD was treated in Swedish editorial articles between 2009 and 2012; it was yet based on a cordon sanitaire. The negative treatment afforded in Swedish editorial articles stands out as sig- nificantly more negative in comparison with the discursive order in editorial articles in the neighbouring countries Denmark, Finland and Norway. 2) How mainstream media reacts to the SD cannot explain the fact that the party managed to attract such a significant number of voters and voter sympathy during the studied period (in the 2010 elections, as well as in opinion polls subsequently). 3) In the editorial articles, it has often been assumed that voters had a choice, to either vote for the Sweden Democrats or for any of the other parliamentary parties, which may have contributed to polarization in Swedish politics. (This polarization has later been even more exaggerated due to later events in Swedish politics – such as, for example, the December agreement, when the established right-wing parties agreed not to vote against the Social Democratic and Green government budget, as well as later developments following the current refugee situation.) We also present the following conclusions from the study’s second part, dealing with texts on the website Avpixlat: 1) Alternatives to the mainstream media play an important role for a party that is not part of the establishment, and Avpixlat clearly constitutes such a venue. 2) Avpixlat offers a counter-narrative that differs entirely from how SD is presen- xi ted in the parliamentary debate proceedings, as well as in editorial articles in the mainstream press. This counter-narrative can help us understand how voting for the Sweden Democrats may seem logical for those doing so. 3) The Avpixlat texts can be seen as often presenting a nostalgic vision, whereby things used to be better in the past, but whereby promises for a better future also can be held out. There are reasons to believe that the readers of such texts may come to see the other parliamentary parties as comparatively unable to hold forth an equally compelling vision. According to the texts in Avpixlat, Sweden is not capable of taking on more immigrants, and is also burdened with increasing costs for migration. The text authors also believe that there is reason to be worried about the lack of political leadership in migration po- licy. They also believe that other countries should take more responsibility for asylum seekers. Based on such a description of the political situation, a vote for the Sweden Democrats can be seen as understandable. 4) The authors of the texts at Axpixlat often put into evidence the desire to strike a balance between a radical message on the one hand, and (on the other) a normalising understanding of the policy situation which most people could see as familiar. The aim of the authors seems to be to radicalise present popular sentiments, rather than to appear all too extreme and strident. We also wish to situate these results with comments pertaining to the very latest developments in Swedish migration policy. Starting in the fall of 2015, more com- mentators and politicians from other parties are advocating visions and policies similar to those discussed on Avpixlat: less migration, ID controls at the borders, and so on. This partial policy realignment may well give more credibility to domi- nant messages on Avpixlat and to the SD. Both Avpixlat authors and the SD can now point to having raised migration-critical policy solutions long before others have done so. Being rejected by mainstream media might affect a populistic party in opposition to the establishment in a different way; it might even strengthen its position. This xii report shows that a party both can attract many voters and at the same time lack credibility according to political competitors and mainstream media. How a party is portrayed in media has no such direct effect on voting behaviour. The relation between opinion, media representation and individual party preferences is a com- plex and contested phenomenon (Bonjour & Schrover 2015). One way forward, as suggested in this report, is to move from studying the public debate as monolithic, but instead as pluralistic.

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  • 39.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Nilsson, Tom
    "We are the Good Guys": Europeanization of Neo-Nationalism, the case of Sweden2008Conference paper (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article investigates the public debate on the politics and voters of the Swedish neo-nationalist party Sverigedemokraterna (SD) as it is manifest in the media coverage from the elections in September 2006 to May 2007. We firstly aim to identify ideological positions manifest in the public debate of SD-politics and their voters in the fields of democracy and culture. Secondly, we aim to abstract the results of this inquiry to a general level of societal reconfigurations of European societies. Methodologically, we use ideology analysis to (1) identify manifest messages articulated through different positions in the public debate and to (2) scrutinize rhetorical figures, which inadvertently or deliberately, sustain the messages and provide them with a certain degree of credibility. Even if representatives from the established parties seek to maintain a dichotomy between SD and the rest, the analysis of the usage of rhetorical figures reveals a net of identity relations rather than a mere distinction between “Us” and “them”. SD endeavours to act at the margins of the European Grammar, which conveys, on the one hand, common values of democracy, rule-of-law and human rights and, on the other hand, a politics of fear based on a perception of the outside world as ultimately dangerous. Our findings suggest that processes of Europeanization not only indicate increased convergence between various post-national or cosmopolitan views. On the contrary, the Europeanization of neo-nationalism, somewhat paradoxically, shows proof of how also xenophobic nationalist movements have benefited from, or at least profited on the European Integration process.

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  • 40.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Nilsson, Tom
    We Are the Good Guys': Ideological Positioning of the Nationalist Party Sverigedemokraterna in Contemporary Swedish Politics2010In: Ethnicities, ISSN 1468-7968, E-ISSN 1741-2706, Vol. 10, no 1, p. 55-76Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This article explores the ideological positioning of Sverigedemokraterna (SD; the Sweden Democrats) in contemporary Swedish politics. Comparative research on nationalist parties pays very little attention to SD, despite the fact that following the general elections in 2006 it came close to consolidating a permanent position in Swedish politics. In the analysis, we highlight the recurrent rhetorical figures in the public debate as manifested in the media coverage from September 2006 to May 2007. The ideological positioning of SD evolves in the interaction between its self-image and the counter arguments adopted by SD-antagonists. Although the established parties were careful to distance themselves from SD, our analysis indicates a possible taming of SD in the run-up to the general elections in 2010. The party’s monocultural nationalist messages may also become more widely accepted and still allow it to be considered as ‘one of the good guys’.

  • 41.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Nilsson, Tom
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Stoltz, Pauline
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Nationalism vs. Nationalism: The challenge of the Sweden Democrats2012In: Government and Opposition, ISSN 0017-257X, E-ISSN 1477-7053, Vol. 47, no 2, p. 186-205Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    In the 2010 Swedish general elections the nationalist party Sverigedemokraterna (SD) crossed the threshold and entered parliament. The other parties in parliament reacted with strong antagonism; the mainstreaming of the ‘radical right’ had finally come to Sweden. This article analyses the media coverage of the SD following the 2006 elections, when it emerged as a high-profile party in the public arena. The presence of the SD in Swedish politics encourages both SD allies and opponents to emphasize their views on what constitutes social cohesion in Sweden. We see the public debate surrounding the SD as a rhetorical struggle between different nationalist claims.

  • 42.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, School of Technology (TS).
    Nilsson, Tom
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Stoltz, Pauline
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Strategier och dilemman2006In: Invandrare & Minoriteter, no 6, p. 9-13Article in journal (Other (popular science, discussion, etc.))
  • 43.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM). Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Norocel, Ov Cristian
    Institut de Sociologie, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Brussels, Belgium; Department of Gender Studies, Lund University, Lund, Sweden.
    Jørgensen, Martin Bak
    Department of Culture and Learning, Aalborg University, Aalborg, Denmark.
    Nostalgia and Hope: Narrative Master Frames Across Contemporary Europe2020In: Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections between Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe. / [ed] Ov Cristian Norocel; Anders Hellström; Martin Bak Jørgensen, Cham: Springer, 2020, p. 1-16Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    After the fall of the Berlin wall and the end of the Cold War, a certain sense of optimism swept across Europe. Some 25 years later, everything seems radically different. With the considerable inroads made into mainstream politics by right-wing populist parties across the continent, there is no shortage of gloom and worry. Nevertheless, despite numerous examples of retrogressive forms of mobilization, there are also many cases of progressive mobilization. To capture this dynamic complexity, we posit politics as a site of struggle that constitutes an arena for the conflicting demands of the two master frames of nostalgia and hope. Following this logic of a polarized political terrain, the volume is divided into three parts that address both right-wing populist politics across Europe (Part I) and politics beyond party politics through either retrogressive mobilization (Part II) or emancipatory initiatives (Part III).

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  • 44.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Skaffari-Multala, MerjaMalmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö högskola, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    MIM (Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare) Academic Record 20142014Collection (editor) (Other academic)
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  • 45.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS). Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM).
    Tawat, Mahama
    Higher School of Economics, Moscow, Russian Federation.
    Trouble in the Homeland: How Cultual Identity and Welfare Politics Merge in Contemporary Danish and Swedish Politics2020In: Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections between Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe / [ed] Norocel O., Hellström A., Jørgensen M., Cham: Springer, 2020, p. 19-34Chapter in book (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This chapter examines differences in the discourses on migration from two socio-economically similar countries—Denmark and Sweden. It employs the notion of conventional discourse to show how cultural identity and welfare politics intersect in the policy debates and blogospheres of the two countries. It also shows that a discursive shift had already occurred in the mainstream political discourse in Denmark before the 2015 refugee crisis—a discourse in which the dominant view is that cultural diversity is incompatible with social cohesion and thus a perceived threat to the welfare system. The same line of thinking is prevalent in Denmark’s blogosphere. In contrast, Sweden’s cultural issues have been consistently associated with redistributive policies in the mainstream political discourse, and these vary along the Left versus Right ideological cleavage. However, in Sweden’s blogosphere, welfare chauvinism and opposition to multiculturalism appear to be equally as strong as in Denmark.

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  • 46.
    Hellström, Anders
    et al.
    Malmö högskola, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Wennerhag, Magnus
    National myth-making and populist mobilization in Scandinavia2013In: Partecipazione e conflitto, Vol. 6, no 3Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This paper analyzes if and how the Sweden Democrats (the SD), the Danish People’s Party (the DPP) and the Progress Party (the PP) in Norway use myths of national exclusiveness and myths about the common man to radicalize popularly held sentiments to attract votes and gain political credibility in political space. The specific contribution is that we consider national myths to be a relevant political opportunity structure in the political competition of the votes. We conclude that both the SD and the DPP make use of national myths to gain credibility in the political space, in order to sustain populist mobilization in these countries. However, this is not the case with the PP in Norway. One possible explanation is that already before the PP emerged, other political parties in Norway, such as the Center Party, occupied the niche of national myths in the electoral market.

  • 47.
    Norocel, Ov Cristian
    et al.
    Institut de Sociologie, Université Libre de Bruxelles, Brussels, Belgium; Department of Gender Studies, Lund University, Lund, Sweden.
    Hellström, AndersMalmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM). Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).Jørgensen, Martin BakDepartment of Culture and Learning, Aalborg University, Aalborg, Denmark.
    Nostalgia and Hope: Intersections betwen Politics of Culture, Welfare, and Migration in Europe2020Collection (editor) (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    This open access book shows how the politics of migration affect community building in the 21st century, drawing on both retrogressive and progressive forms of mobilization. It elaborates theoretically and shows empirically how the two master frames of nostalgia and hope are used in local, national and transnational settings, in and outside conventional forms of doing politics. It expands on polarized societal processes and external events relevant for the transformation of European welfare systems and the reproduction of national identities today. It evidences the importance of gender in the narrative use of the master frames of nostalgia and hope, either as an ideological tool for right-wing populist and extreme right retrogressive mobilization or as an essential element of progressive intersectional politics of hope. 

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  • 48.
    Olivares-Jirsell, Jellen
    et al.
    Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM). Kingston University London UK.
    Hellström, Anders
    Malmö University, Malmö Institute for Studies of Migration, Diversity and Welfare (MIM). Malmö University, Faculty of Culture and Society (KS), Department of Global Political Studies (GPS).
    Activities and Counterstrategies: Populism during the COVID-19 Pandemic2023In: Populism, ISSN 2588-8064, Vol. 6, no 2, p. 107-125Article in journal (Refereed)
    Abstract [en]

    The COVID-19 pandemic has created an impetus for action for governments and citizens, but these actions can be challenging to understand. As a riposte, we use The Populist Divide as a framework for understanding the patchwork of populist responses to the COVID-19 pandemic. Our approach brings nuance to how crises are framed dependent on the trust levels between actors, thus presenting populist relationships as determined by selective trust allocation and not necessarily one of fixed ideological paradigms. Additionally, we introduce activities as the response to a measure, whether accepting or even protesting, but ultimately consenting to the legitimate powers of the leaders imposing these measures. On the other hand, counterstrategies emerging as challenges to the legitimacy of the leaders themselves.

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